Sunday, February 24. 2013
Didn't pay much attention to the world last week -- too preoccupied
digging out from the biggest snowstorm to hit Wichita since 1962 -- so
I scrambled a bit today. Turns out there's plenty to get worked up about,
and this barely scratches the surface:
Brad DeLong quotes
Josh Barro: Why We Need Republicans:
Democrats make their own errors in evaluating the
economy . . . Republicans have an often-healthy
skepticism of regulation . . . When they try,
Republicans can make government more
efficient . . . Republicans aren't all out to
lunch . . . Republicans are succeeding in states where
their national brand is severely damaged tends to be that their
state-level policy agendas are markedly better than the party's
national one.
This sounds like wishful thinking going back to the 1970s or 1980s
when Reagan's "11th Commandment" allowed some moderate, pragmatic
Republicans to run "good government" campaigns, notably winning some
mayoral campaigns in solidly Democratic cities (New York, Los Angeles,
Cleveland, etc.), governorships in Massachusetts and New York, etc.
Even in Kansas, where Republicans didn't have to appeal to Democratic
voters, a long string of moderate Republicans were reasonably competent
stewards of government. (I loathed Bob Dole going all the way back to
his House days, and never forgave him for his scurilous campaigns
against Bill Avery and Bill Roy, but even he came to be seen as a
Republican with enough sense of responsibility and reality to deal
with real national problems.) But none of this stuff is remotely true
today.
Democrats do have weak spots in "evaluating the economy" -- they're
much too fond of finance and high-tech as growth engines -- but the
Republicans have thrown out the entirety of macroeconomics, pushing
an austerity program that seems gleefully self-destructive. Their
"often-healthy skepticism of regulation" is at best a minor merit,
and is often expressed in absolute excess. (For instance, there is
no evidence that environmental regulations in oil and gas are too
strict -- Deepwater Horizon is just one counterexample.) Far more
important is an effort to restore losses in equal opportunity, to
reinforce the safety net that protects ordinary people from ravages
of the (increasingly laissez faire) business cycle, and maintenance
and expansion of public goods like infrastructure and science.
While there is some evidence that Republicans become marginally
saner in power, that's getting to be little comfort. When Republicans
gained state power in 2010 from Pennsylvania to Wisconsin, they did
nothing to make government more efficient much less fair; they spent
all their efforts attacking public employee unions and trying to rig
voting in their favor. And Kansas, under Sam Brownback, has gone from
being a boring Republican fiefdom to a dangerous experiment in how
badly mismanaged government can become. (One example is that the Koch
Brothers are now exempt from paying state income taxes because they're
small businessmen.)
Maybe if the Republicans actually had the sort of influence the
idiocy of their policies deserved -- down around 10-15% of voters,
which is still pretty generous considering how many fewer people
would actually benefit from their policies -- it might make sense
to try to cheer them up a bit. But now isn't the time. And given
how frequently they vote in lockstep in Congress, the notion that
there are other Republicans elsewhere who aren't so embarrassing
isn't much comfort. For all practical purposes, the Republican
mind these days ranges from Cantor to Ryan, a diversity that's
harder to calculate than all those angels on pins.
Also see this
No More Mister Nice Blog piece on Kansas.
Also, a few links for further study:
Jelani Cobb: Lincoln Died for Our Sins: "The greatest impediment
to achieving racial equality is the narcotic belief that we already
have." Also see
Thomas Frank: Team America for its jaundiced view of Doris
Kearns Goodwin's Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of
Abraham Lincoln. Both of these touch on Steve Spielberg's
film Lincoln, which I have yet to see. In the end, Frank
taunts:
If you really want to explore compromise, corruption, and the ideology
of money-in-politics, don't stack the deck with aces of unquestionable
goodness like the Thirteenth Amendment. Give us the real deal. Look the
monster in the eyes. Make a movie about the Grant Administration, in
which several of the same characters who figure in Lincoln played a
role in the most corrupt era in American history. Or show us the people
who pushed banking deregulation through in the compromise-worshipping
Clinton years. And then, after ninety minutes of that, try to sell us
on the merry japes of those lovable lobbyists -- that's a task for a
real auteur.
Chuck Eddy: Mindy McCready: When the Angels Stopped Watching.
Mike Konczal: How Is Inequality Holding Back the Recovery: Follows
up on
Joseph E Stiglitz: Inequality Is Holding Back the Recovery, with
links to Paul Krugman and John Judis, and some twists.
Andrew Leonard: Conservatives Declare War on College: Notably,
governors Scott Walker (WI), Rick Perry (TX), and Rick Scott (FL):
cut funding, cut costs, purge humanities from the curriculum.
Mark Perry: Elliot Abrams' Plan to Divide the Palestinians:
On the 2006 coup that Fatah attempted against Hamas in Gaza, which
led to Hamas seizing power in Gaza and Israel, Egypt, and the US
blockading Gaza and driving it to the brink of catastrophe. That
was just one of many brainfarts from the ever fertile mind of one
of the few people who actually got convicted for Reagan's illegal
Iran-Contra scheme. He was later rehabilitated by G.W. Bush and
given responsibility for the Middle East, and, well, you know how
that turned out. Abrams has a new book out, promsing an inside
look at the Bush era in the Middle East, and he should know, but
he's never shown any awareness of how badly his ideas have worked
out, nor much interest in expressing his motives. But no one has
done more in the last 10-15 years to make peace impossible. He
is a one-man axis of evil, or if you insist on three, remember
that he was the inevitable go-between of G.W. Bush and Ariel
Sharon.
Annie Robbins: Autopsy Reveals Arafat Jaradat Died of Extreme Torture
in Israeli Custody: As I recall, some years ago Israel's Supreme Court
ruled that Israel could not practice torture of prisoners, but this is
more evidence (beyond the Zygier affair reported last week) that the
cuffs are off. One commenter writes: "you do get the impression that
Israel is deliberately trying to provoke another intifada, to provide
cover for god knows what."
Alyssa Rosenberg: As George Tiller's Wichita Clinic Reopens, 'After Tiller'
Reframes the Abortion Debate: After Dr. Tiller was murdered, Wichita
lost its only women's health clinic that provided abortions of any kind.
One of Tiller's former associates is working to open another clinic in
Wichita, and may succeed despite an extraordinary amount of legal and
extra-legal harrassment. (The KS legislature has even more anti-abortion
bills on the way, including one to convict doctors of a felony if a woman
decides to abort based on the sex of the child.) Piece also talks about a
documentary, After Tiller, which goes into the late-term abortions
that Tiller was one of the very few doctors in the country able (and
willing) to perform. The new clinic in Wichita will not help on that
front, but will fill a need and restore a right. It's a shame that it
takes such heroic dedication to do something so basically just.
Matthew Yglesias: Steve Brill's Opus on Health Care: Brill's piece in
Time is the further study, but Yglesias' summary should be quoted here
and now (his italics):
The analytic core of the article shows that when it comes to hospital
prices, who pays determines how high the price is. When an individual
patient comes through the door of a hospital for treatment, he or she is
subjected to wild price gouging. Insane markups are posted on everything
from acetaminophen, to advanced cancer drugs, to blankets, to routine
procedures. Because these treatments are so profitable, internal systems
within the hospital are geared toward prescribing lots of them. And even
though most hospitals are organized as non-profits, most of them in fact
turn large operating profits and their executives are well-paid.
In addition to providing insurance services, a key service that a
proper health insurance company provides is bargaining with hospitals
so you get screwed less. No insurer worth anything would actually pay
the crazy-high rates hospitals charge to individuals. But in most markets,
the hospitals have more bargaining leverage than the insurance companies,
so there's still ample gouging. The best bargainer of all is Medicare,
which is huge and can force hospitals to accept something much closer to
marginal cost pricing, although even this is undermined in key areas
(prescription drugs, for example) by interest group lobbying.
I can see two reasonable policy conclusions to draw from this, neither
of which Brill embraces. One is that Medicare should cover everyone,
just as Canadian Medicare does. Taxes would be higher, but overall health
care spending would be much lower since universal Medicare could push the
unit cost of services way down. The other would be to adopt all-payer
rate setting rules -- aka price controls -- keeping the insurance
market largely private, but simply pushing the prices down. Most European
countries aren't single-payer, but do use price controls. Even Singapore,
which is often touted by U.S. conservatives as a market-oriented
forced-savings alternative to a universal health insurance system,
relies heavily on price controls to keep costs down.
Yglesias also affirms common sense that
Raising the Minimum Wage Is Overwhelmingly Popular.
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