Sunday, September 23, 2018
Weekend Roundup
Got a late start this week, figuring I'd just go through the motions,
but got overwhelmed, as usual.
Was reminded on twitter that Liz Fink died three years ago. Also
pointed to this
video biography. I couldn't
tell whether the dog snoring sounds were in the video, given that the
same dog was camped out under my desk (not the poodle pictured in the
video, the legendary Sheldon).
Some scattered links this week:
Matthew Yglesias: Kavanaugh and Trump are part of a larger crisis of
elite accountability in America: Two pretty good quotes here. The
first gives you most of the background you need to judge Kavanaugh:
An honest look at his career shows that it's extraordinarily
undistinguished.
Born into a privileged family that was well-connected in Republican
Party politics, Kavanaugh coasted from Georgetown Prep, where he was
apparently a hard partier, into Yale, where he joined the notoriously
hard-partying secret society Truth & Courage, and then on to Yale
Law School.
Soon after graduating, he got a gig working for independent counsel
Ken Starr -- a plum position for a Republican lawyer on the make because
the Starr inquiry was supposed to take down the Clinton administration.
Instead, it ended up an ignominious, embarrassing failure, generating
an impeachment process that was so spectacularly misguided and unpopular
that Democrats pulled off the nearly impossible feat of gaining seats
during a midterm election when they controlled the White House.
Kavanaugh clerked for Alex Kozinski, an appeals court judge who was
well known to the lay public for his witty opinions and well known to
the legal community as a sexual harasser. When the sexual harassment
became a matter of public embarrassment in the wake of the #MeToo
movement, Kavanaugh professed to have simply not noticed anything
amiss -- including somehow not remembering Kozinski's dirty jokes
email distribution list.
Despite this inattention to detail, Kavanaugh ended up in the George
W. Bush White House, playing a critical behind-the-scenes role as staff
secretary to an administration that suffered the worst terrorist attack
in American history, let the perpetrator get away, invaded Iraq to halt
the country's nonexistent nuclear weapons program, and destroyed the
global economy.
Kavanaugh then landed a seat on the DC Circuit Court, though to do
so, he had to offer testimony that we now know to have been misleading
regarding his role in both William Pryor's nomination for a different
federal judgeship and the handling of some emails stolen from Democratic
Party committee staff. On the DC Circuit, he issued some normal GOP
party-line rulings befitting his career as a Republican Party foot
soldier.
Now he may end up as a Supreme Court justice despite never in his
life having been involved in anything that was actually successful. He
has never meaningfully taken responsibility for the substantive failures
of the Starr inquiry or the Bush White House, where his tenure as a
senior staffer coincided with both Hurricane Katrina and failed Social
Security privatization plan as well as the email shenanigans he misled
Congress about, or for his personal failure as a bystander to Kozinski's
abuses.
He's been a man on the make ever since his teen years, and has
consistently acted with the breezy confidence of privilege.
The second quote wraps Trump up neatly. Every now and then you need
to be reminded that however much you loathe Trump personally, his actual
track record is even more nefarious than you recall:
The most striking thing about Trump's record, in my view, is how frequently
he has been caught doing illegal things only to get away without paying
much of a price. His career is a story of a crime here, a civil settlement
there, but never a criminal trial or anything that would deprive him of
his business empire or social clout.
Back in 1990, he needed an illegal loan from his father to keep his
casinos afloat. So he asked for an illegal loan from his father, received
an illegal loan from his father, and was caught by the New Jersey gaming
authorities receiving said illegal loan from his father. But nothing
really happened to him as a result. He paid a $65,000 fine and moved on.
This happened to Trump again and again before he began his political
career. From his empty-box tax scam to money laundering at his casinos
to racial discrimination in his apartments to Federal Trade Commission
violations for his stock purchases to Securities and Exchange Commission
violations for his financial reporting, Trump has spent his entire career
breaking various laws, getting caught, and then essentially plowing ahead
unharmed.
When he was caught engaging in illegal racial discrimination to please
a mob boss, he paid a fine. There was no sense that this was a repeated
pattern of violating racial discrimination law, and certainly no desire
to take a closer look at his various personal and professional connections
to the Mafia.
If Trump had been a carjacker or a heroin dealer, this rap sheet would
have had him labeled a career criminal and treated quite harshly by the
legal system. But operating under the rules of rich-guy impunity, Trump
remained a member of New York high society in good standing -- hosting a
television show, having Bill and Hillary Clinton attend his third wedding
as guests, etc. -- before finally leaning into his lifelong dalliances
with racial demagoguery to become president.
Over the course of that campaign, he wasn't only credibly accused of
several instances of sexual assault -- he was caught on tape confessing --
but he won the election anyway, and Congress has shown no interest in
looking into the matter.
Other Yglesias pieces:
Amazon's looming challenge: Europe's antitrust laws.
Trump's latest interview shows Republicans have nothing to run on in
November: "Trump can't defend the Republican agenda." Sure, you
might think it would if he actually understood it, but then he'd have
to lie even more creatively, because there's nothing popular in the
actual programs ("make another stab at repealing the Affordable Care
Act, enact a new round of tax cuts, and move to cut safety-net programs
like SNAP"). Besides, he's got slogans ("America First"), sound bites,
and snark. You could picture him as Alfred E. Neumann: "What, me worry?"
The battle for state legislatures.
The Kavanaugh assault allegations are a reminder that Democrats were
smart to push Al Franken out.
Matthew Yglesias: Republicans can't hold Kavanaugh or anyone else
accountable -- because Trump is president: I would have constructed
this differently, as it's clear that the conservative movement's
"no-standards zone" existed well before 2016 and helped make him
president. For conservatives, the only virtue is loyalty and use
for the program, and the only sin is heresy. Republicans are united
behind Kavanaugh because they (no doubt correctly) view him as a
totally reliable conservative movement vote on the Supreme Court,
and few things matter more to them -- especially given life-long
tenure.
Google's Dragonfly abandons "don't be evil"
More Kavanaugh links:
Michelle Alexander: We Are Not the Resistance: New NY Times opinion
columnist, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age
of Colorblindness (2010), the book that brought its subject into
mainstream political discourse. Here she bravely tries to turn the table,
arguing "Donald Trump is the one who is pushing back against the new
nation that's struggling to be born."
Resistance is a reactive state of mind. While it can be necessary for
survival and to prevent catastrophic harm, it can also tempt us to set
our sights too low and to restrict our field of vision to the next
election cycle, leading us to forget our ultimate purpose and place
in history.
The disorienting nature of Trump's presidency has already managed
to obscure what should be an obvious fact: Viewed from the broad sweep
of history, Donald Trump is the resistance. We are not.
Those of us who are committed to the radical evolution of American
democracy are not merely resisting an unwanted reality. To the contrary,
the struggle for human freedom and dignity extends back centuries and
is likely to continue for generations to come. . . .
Donald Trump's election represents a surge of resistance to this
rapidly swelling river, an effort to build not just a wall but a dam.
A new nation is struggling to be born, a multiracial, multiethnic,
multifaith, egalitarian democracy in which every life and every voice
truly matters.
Daniel Bessner: What Does Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Think About the South
China Sea? Sub hed is more to the point: "the rising left needs more
foreign policy. Here's how it can start." Basic point:
Left-wing politics is, at its heart, about giving power to ordinary people.
Foreign policy, especially recently, has been about the opposite. Since the
1940s, unelected officials ensconced in bodies like the National Security
Council have been the primary makers of foreign policy. This trend has
worsened since the Sept. 11 attacks, as Congress has relinquished its
oversight role and granted officials in the executive branch and the
military carte blanche. Foreign policy elites have been anything but wise
and have promoted several of the worst foreign policy blunders in American
history, including the wars in Vietnam and Iraq.
The left should aim to bring democracy into foreign policy. This means
taking some of the power away from the executive and, especially, White
House institutions like the National Security Council and returning it to
the hands of Congress. In particular, socialist politicians should push to
reassert Congress's long-abdicated role in declaring war, encourage more
active oversight of the military and create bodies that make national
security information available to the public so that Americans know
exactly what their country is doing abroad.
Bessner goes on to outline four areas: Accountability, Anti-militarism,
Threat deflation, and Internationalism. That's a good start, an outline
for a book which I'd like to see but could probably write myself. One
thing that isn't developed enough is why this matters. US foreign policy
has always been dominated by business interests -- the Barbars Wars, the
War of 1812, and the "Open Door" skirmishes in East Asia were all about
supporting US traders, the Mexican and Spanish Wars were more nakedly
imperialist; even after WWII, CIA coups in Guatemala and Iran had clear
corporate sponsors. Such ventures had little domestic effect -- a few
special interests benefited, but unless they escalated into world wars
few ordinary Americans were affected. That changed after WWII, when the
anti-communist effort was broadly directed against labor movements, and
wound up undermining worker representation here, concentrating corporate
power and dragging domestic politics to the right, subverting democracy
and increasing inequality. Finance and trade policies were even more
obviously captured by corporate interests. Corporations went global,
exporting capital to more lucrative markets abroad. US trade deficits
were tolerated because the profits could be returned to the investment
banks and hedge funds that dominated the elite 1%. Meanwhile, nearly
constant war coarsened and brutalized American society, making us
meaner and more contemptuous, both of other and of ourselves. Harry
Truman started the Cold War and wound up destroying our own middle
class. GW Bush started the Global War on Terror, and all we have to
show for it is Donald Trump -- a seething bundle of contradictions,
blindly lashing out at the foreign policy he inherited and totally in
thrall to it. So sure, the Rising Left needs a new foreign policy,
and not just because the world should be treated better but because
we should treat ourselves better too.
Sean Illing: Americans have a longstanding love of magical thinking:
One more in a long series of superficial interviews with authors of
recent books. This one is with Kurt Andersen, whose Fantasyland:
How America Went Haywire intrigued me as possibly insightful in
the Trump era -- still, when I thumbed through the book, it struck
me as possibly just glib and superficial, or maybe just too obvious.
It's long been clear to me that in 1980 America voted for a deranged
fantasy (Reagan) over sober reality (Carter), and since then it's
been impossible to turn back -- not least because the Clinton-Obama
Democrats have chosen to fight conservative myths with neoliberal
ones. Andersen quote:
I've been familiar with Trump for a long time, and I was one of the
first people to write about him back in the '80s. I started paying
attention to him before a lot of other people did. There's nothing
there. He's a showman, a performance artist. But he's a hustler like
P.T. Barnum.
As I was writing this book in 2014 and 2015, I saw that Trump was
running for president and I realized, about halfway through the book,
that I had to reckon with this stupid -- but deadly serious -- candidacy.
Watching it was strange, though. I was finishing the book and getting
to the part about modern politics, and here's Trump about to win the
nomination. It was as though I had summoned some golem into existence
by writing this history, of which he, as you say, is the apotheosis.
Umair Irfan: Ryan Zinke to the oil and gas industry: "Our government
should work for you": And Zinke's department, to say the least,
already does.
Irfan has also been following Hurricane Florence. See:
Hurricane Florence's "1,000-year" rainfall, explained; and
Hog manure is spilling out of lagoons because of Hurricane Florence's
floods. Coal ash is another concern:
Steven Murfson/Brady Dennis/Darryl Fears: More headaches as Florence's
waters overtake toxic pits and hog lagoons; and, following up,
Dam breach sends toxic coal ash flowing into a major North Carolina
river; also:
Kelsey Piper: How 3.4 million chickens drowned in Hurricane Florence.
Naomi Klein: There's Nothing Natural About Puerto Rico's Disaster.
In many ways you can say the same thing about North Carolina's disaster,
although Puerto Rico had to face a much more powerful storm with a lot
less government aid.
German Lopez: There have been 263 days in 2018 -- and 262 mass shootings
in America.
Dana Milbank: America's Jews are watching Israel in horror.
Not a columnist I regularly read, least of all on Israel, but take
this as a signpost that in Israel "the rise of ultranationalism tied
to religious extremism, the upsurge in settler violence, the overriding
of Supreme Court rulings upholding democracy and human rights, a
crackdown on dissent, harassment of critics and nonprofits, confiscation
of Arab villages and alliances with regimes -- in Poland, Hungary and
the Philippines -- that foment anti-Semitism" is beginning to worry
some previously staunch supporters.
A poll for the American Jewish Committee in June found that while 77
percent of Israeli Jews approve of Trump's handling of the U.S.-Israeli
relationship, only 34 percent of American Jews approve. Although Trump
is popular in Israel, only 26 percent of American Jews approve of him.
Most Jews feel less secure in the United States than they did a year
ago. (No wonder, given the sharp rise in anti-Semitic incidents and
high-level winks at anti-Semitism, from Charlottesville to Eric Trump's
recent claim that Trump critics are trying to "make three extra shekels.")
The AJC poll was done a month before Israel passed a law to give Jews
more rights than other citizens, betraying the country's 70-year
democratic tradition.
On the other hand:
Netanyahu is betting Israel's future on people such as Pastor John Hagee
of Christians United for Israel, featured at the ceremony for Trump's
opening of the Jerusalem embassy. Hagee once said "Hitler was a hunter"
sent by God to drive Jews to Israel. Pro-Israel apocalypse-minded
Christians see Israel as a precursor to the second coming, when Jews
must convert or go to hell.
On the other hand, for the one Jewish-American who counts the most
(to Trump, anyway):
Jeremy W Peters: Sheldon Adelson Sees a Lot to Like in Trump's
Washington.
Trita Parsi: The Ahvaz terror attack in Iran may drag the US into a larger
war: On the same day that
Trump Lawyer Giuliani Says Iran's Government Will Be Overthrown,
gunmen attacked a parade in Ahvaz (southwestern Iran, a corner with
a large Arabic population), killing 29.
Iran's Rouhani blames US-backed Gulf states for military parade attack,
specifically Saudi Arabia and the UAE -- the prime movers of the US-backed
intervention in Yemen. This follows the September 7
fire-bombing of the Iranian consulate in Basra, Iraq, which in turn
follows months of bellicose talk directed by the Trump administration
(e.g., Nikki Haley, Mike Pompeo, John Bolton, and Giuliani) at Iran,
following constant lobbying by Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Israel to get
the US to pull out of the Iran Nuclear Agreement.
Dick Polman: Donald Trump Might Be the 'Client From Hell': That's
almost a commonplace by now, this article repeating all of the usual
charges except the one that Trump doesn't pay his bills. Early on I
doubted the investigation would ever get anywhere near Trump, but
Sessions had to recuse himself after getting caught in a lie about
not meeting any Russians, then Trump tried to intercede for Flynn
and wound up throwing himself into the fray by firing Comey. Even
so, Trump could have sat tight and let a few of his underlings get
sacrificed. However, it's never just been a legal issue for Trump.
It's also a political one, and he seems to intuitively grasp that
he can spin the investigation as a "witch hunt" and rally his base
with that. To some extent he's succeeded doing just that, and in
so doing he's galvanized his base against an ever-expanding array
of scandals. But his base, even having captured nearly all of the
Republican Party faithful, is still a minority position. And to
pretty much everyone else, he's managed to look guilty as hell.
By looking and acting guilty, he's inviting further investigation.
A lawyer who's any good would worry about the legal exposure, and
keep it as far as possible away from the spotlight. On the other
hand, Trump's main lawyer right now is Rudy Giuliani, a flack who
like Trump is primarily interested in political gain.
Andrew Prokop: The Times's big new Rod Rosenstein story has major
implications for Mueller's probe: Seems overblown as a story.
Even if it's true, which I wouldn't bet on, it's a big jump from
wondering whether the president is competent to using his office
to unfairly plot against Trump. On the other hand, the firing of
Andrew McCabe shows that there are powerful people in the Trump
administration who are willing to use innuendo and gossip to
punish DOJ employees they consider hostile to Trump.
Alex Ward: Trump's China strategy is the most radical in decades --
and it's failing. Also related:
Dean Baker: Trump's Tariffs on Chinese Imports Are Actually a Tax on
the US Middle Class. I think both of these pieces are overstated,
but more important miss the main point. China has an industrial policy,
while the US doesn't (well, except for arms and, barely, agribusiness).
To boost exports, you need two things: supply, and an open market. The
Chinese government works both sides of that equation, as indeed does
the government of nation with a successful export-led growth program.
So when China gains access to a market, China has made sure that it
has companies producing products for that market. US trade treaties
try to open markets for American exporters, but they do little to
develop suppliers -- they expect capitalism to magically fill the
supply gap, which could happens but most often won't. Nor is the
problem there simply that the US doesn't have an industrial policy
to make sure we're building products we can successfully export.
It's also that US corporations are free to invest their capital
elsewhere -- basically wherever they expect the highest return.
And there is no real pressure on them to reinvest their profits in
American workers -- either from the government or labor unions. So,
Trump is right when he complains that China has been ripping us
off for many years. However, he doesn't have the right tools for
turning this around, and with his carte blanche for corporate power
he refuses to even consider doing what needs to be done. But that
doesn't mean that someone who cared about American workers couldn't
do much better.
Ask a question, or send a comment.
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