Sunday, June 9, 2024
Speaking of Which
I'm posting this after 10PM Sunday evening, figuring I'm about
worn out, even though I've only hit about 80% of my usual sources,
and am finding new things at a frightening clip. I imagine I'll
add a bit more on Monday, as I work on what should be a relatively
measured Music Week. There is, in any case, much to read and think
about here. Too much really.
I have two fairly major pieces on Israel that I wanted to mention
before I posted Sunday night, but didn't get around to. They're big,
and important, enough I thought about putting them into their own post,
but preferred to stick to the one weekly post. I didn't want to slip
them into the regular text as mere late finds, so thought I'd put them
up here first, easier to notice. But I already wrote a fairly lengthy
intro, which I think is pretty good as an intro, so I finally decided
to put the new pieces after the old intro, and before everything else.
I thought I'd start here with a quote from Avi Shlaim, from his
introduction to one of the first books to appear the Oct. 7, 2023
attacks from Gaza against Israel and Israel's dramatic escalation
from counterterrorism to genocide
(Jamie Stern-Weiner,
ed.: Deluge: Gaza and Israel from Crisis to Cataclysm):
The powerful military offensive launched by Israel on the Gaza Strip
in October 2023, or Operation Swords of Iron to give it its official
name, was a major landmark in the blood-soaked history of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It was an instant, almost Pavlovian
response to the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7. The attack caught
Israel by complete surprise, and it was devastating in its
consequences, killing about 300 Israeli soldiers, massacring more than
800 civilians, and taking some 250 hostages. Whereas previous Hamas
attacks involved the firing of rockets from the Gaza Strip on southern
Israel, this was a ground incursion into Israeli territory made
possible by breaking down the fence with which Israel had surrounded
Gaza. The murderous Hamas attack did not come out of the blue as many
believed. It was a response to Israel's illegal and exceptionally
brutal military occupation of the Palestinian territories since June
1967, as well as the suffocating economic blockade that Israel had
imposed on Gaza since 2006. Israel, however, treated it as an
unprovoked terrorist attack that gave it a blank check to use military
force on an unprecedented scale to exact revenge and to crush the
enemy.
Israel is no stranger to the use of military force in dealing with
its neighbors. It is a country that lives by the sword. Under
international law, states are allowed to use military force in
self-defense as a last resort; Israel often employs force as a first
resort. Some of its wars with the Arabs have been "wars of no choice,"
like the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948; others have been "wars of
choice," like the Suez War of 1956 and the invasion of Lebanon in
1982. Wars are usually followed by the search for a diplomatic
resolution of the conflict. When one examines Israel's record in
dealing with the Arabs as a whole, however, the use of force appears
to be the preferred instrument of statecraft. Indeed, all too often,
instead of war being the pursuit of politics by other means, Israeli
diplomacy is the pursuit of war by other means.
Also, a bit further down:
Deadlock on the diplomatic front led to periodic clashes between Hamas
and Israel. This is not a conflict between two roughly equal parties
but asymmetric warfare between a small paramilitary force and one of
the most powerful militaries in the world, armed to the teeth with the
most advanced American weaponry. The result was low-intensity (but for
the people in Gaza, still devastating) conflict which took the form of
primitive missiles fired from inside the Gaza Strip on settlements in
southern Israel and Israel Defense Forces (IDF) counter-insurgency
operations designed to weaken but not to destroy Hamas. From time to
time, Israel would move beyond aerial bombardment to ground invasion
of the enclave. It launched major military offensives into Gaza in
2008-09, 2012, 2014, 2021, 2022, and 2023.
Israeli leaders used to call these recurrent IDF incursions into
Gaza "mowing the lawn." This was the metaphor to describe Israel's
strategy against Hamas. The strategy did not seek to defeat Hamas, let
alone drive it from power. On the contrary, the aim was to allow Hamas
to govern Gaza but to isolate and weaken it, and to reduce its
influence on the West Bank. Israel's overarching political objective
was to kep the Palestinian Authority and the Hamas government
geographically separate so as to prevent the emergence of a unified
leadership. In this context, Israel's periodic offensives were
designed to degrade the military capability of Hamas, to enhance
Israeli deterrence, and to turn the civilian population of Gaza
against its rulers. In short, it was a strategy of managing the
conflict, of avoiding peace talks, of using the Palestinian Authority
in Ramallah as a sub-contractor for Israeli security on the West Bank,
and of containing Palestinian resistance within the open-air prison of
the Gaza Strip.
Shlaim opens the next paragraph with "This strategy lay in tatters
following the Hamas attack," but that's just a momentary reflection
of Israeli histrionics plus a bit of wishful thinking. The latter was
based on the hope that Israelis would recognize that the old strategy
had backfired, and needed to be revised. But the histrionics were at
most momentary, and quickly evolved into staged, as Netanyahu and
his gang realized the attacks presented a opportunity to escalate
the conflict to previously unthreatened levels, and in the absence of
meaningful resistance have seen little reason to restrain themselves.
Israel has a very sophisticated propaganda operation, with a large
network of long-time contacts, so they sprung immediately to work,
planting horror stories about Hamas and Palestinians, while pushing
rationales for major war operations into play, so Israel's habitual
supporters would always be armed with the best talking points. That
they were so prepared to do so suggests they know, and have known
for a long time, that their actions and programs aren't obviously
justifiable. They know that their main restraint isn't the threat
of other powers, but that world opinion will come to ostracize and
shame them, like it did to South Africa. It's not certain that such
a shift in world opinion will sway them -- the alternative is that
they will shrivel up into a defensive ball, like North Korea, and
there would certainly be sentiment in Israel for doing so (here I
need say no more than "Masada complex").
Israel has, indeed, lost a lot of foreign support, including
about 80% of the UN General Assembly. But though all of that, the
US has remained not just a reliable ally to Israel, but a generous
one, and a very dutiful one, even as Israel is losing support from
the general public. Netanyahu is Prime Minister by a very slim and
fractious coalition in Israel, but when he speaks in Congress, he
can rest assured that 90% of both parties will cheer him on -- a
degree of popularity no American politician enjoys.
I meant to include these two major pieces, but missed them
in the rush to post Sunday night.
Adam Shatz:
Israel's Descent: This is a major essay, structured as a review
of six books:
While most of these books go deep into the history of Zionist
attempts to claim exclusive representation for the Jewish people --
a topic Sand previously wrote about in
The Invention of the Jewish People (2009) and
The Invention of the Land of Israel (2012) -- and that
features further down in the review, the first several paragraphs
provide one of the best overviews available of the current phase
of the conflict. I'm tempted to quote it all, but especially want
to note paragraphs 4-8, on why this time it's fair and accurate
to use the term "genocide":
But, to borrow the language of a 1948 UN convention, there is an older
term for 'acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part,
a national, ethnical, racial or religious group'. That term is
genocide, and among international jurists and human rights experts
there is a growing consensus that Israel has committed genocide -- or
at least acts of genocide -- in Gaza. This is the opinion not only of
international bodies, but also of experts who have a record of
circumspection -- indeed, of extreme caution -- where Israel is
involved, notably Aryeh Neier, a founder of Human Rights Watch.
The charge of genocide isn't new among Palestinians. I remember
hearing it when I was in Beirut in 2002, during Israel's assault on
the Jenin refugee camp, and thinking, no, it's a ruthless, pitiless
siege. The use of the word 'genocide' struck me then as typical of
the rhetorical inflation of Middle East political debate, and as a
symptom of the bitter, ugly competition over victimhood in
Israel-Palestine. The game had been rigged against Palestinians
because of their oppressors' history: the destruction of European
Jewry conferred moral capital on the young Jewish state in the eyes
of the Western powers. The Palestinian claim of genocide seemed like
a bid to even the score, something that words such as 'occupation'
and even 'apartheid' could never do.
This time it's different, however, not only because of the wanton
killing of thousands of women and children, but because the sheer
scale of the devastation has rendered life itself all but impossible
for those who have survived Israel's bombardment. The war was provoked
by Hamas's unprecedented attack, but the desire to inflict suffering
on Gaza, not just on Hamas, didn't arise on 7 October. Here is Ariel
Sharon's son Gilad in 2012: 'We need to flatten entire neighbourhoods
in Gaza. Flatten all of Gaza. The Americans didn't stop with Hiroshima --
the Japanese weren't surrendering fast enough, so they hit Nagasaki, too.
There should be no electricity in Gaza, no gasoline or moving vehicles,
nothing.' Today this reads like a prophecy.
Exterminationist violence is almost always preceded by other forms
of persecution, which aim to render the victims as miserable as possible,
including plunder, denial of the franchise, ghettoisation, ethnic
cleansing and racist dehumanisation. All of these have been features
of Israel's relationship to the Palestinian people since its founding.
What causes persecution to slide into mass killing is usually war, in
particular a war defined as an existential battle for survival -- as
we have seen in the war on Gaza. The statements of Israel's leaders
(the defence minister, Yoav Gallant: 'We are fighting human animals,
and we will act accordingly'; President Isaac Herzog: 'It is an entire
nation out there that is responsible') have not disguised their
intentions but provided a precise guide. So have the gleeful selfies
taken by Israeli soldiers amid the ruins of Gaza: for some, at least,
its destruction has been a source of pleasure.
Israel's methods may bear a closer resemblance to those of the
French in Algeria, or the Assad regime in Syria, than to those of
the Nazis in Treblinka or the Hutu génocidaires in Rwanda, but this
doesn't mean they do not constitute genocide. Nor does the fact that
Israel has killed 'only' a portion of Gaza's population. What, after
all, is left for those who survive? Bare life, as Giorgio Agamben
calls it: an existence menaced by hunger, destitution and the ever
present threat of the next airstrike (or 'tragic accident', as
Netanyahu described the incineration of 45 civilians in Rafah).
Israel's supporters might argue that this is not the Shoah, but
the belief that the best way of honouring the memory of those who
died in Auschwitz is to condone the mass killing of Palestinians
so that Israeli Jews can feel safe again is one of the great moral
perversions of our time.
A couple paragraphs later, Shatz moves on to "Zionism's original
ambition," which gets us into the books, including a survey of how
Israel's supporters have long sought to quell any Jewish criticism
of Israel, eventually going so far as to declare it anti-semitic.
I find this particular history fascinating, as it provides some
counterweight to the claim that Zionism was intrinsically racist
and, if given the power and opportunity, genocidal. Just because
this is where you wound up doesn't mean this is where you had to
go.
Again, there is much to be learned and thought about everywhere
in this article. Let's just wrap up with a few more choice quotes:
But the tendency of Israeli Jews to see themselves as eternal
victims, among other habits of the diaspora, has proved stronger than
Zionism itself, and Israel's leaders have found a powerful ideological
armour, and source of cohesion, in this reflex. [This has made them]
incapable of distinguishing between violence against Jews as Jews, and
violence against Jews in connection with the practices of the Jewish
state.
Today the catastrophe of 1948 is brazenly defended in Israel
as a necessity -- and viewed as an uncompleted, even heroic,
project.
The last eight months have seen an extraordinary acceleration
of Israel's long war against the Palestinians.
Benjamin Netanyahu is a callow man of limited imagination . . .
[but] his expansionist, racist ideology is the Israeli mainstream.
Always an ethnocracy based on Jewish privilege, Israel has, under
his watch, become a reactionary nationalist state, a country that
now officially belongs exclusively to its Jewish citizens.
But this was no accident: conflict with the Arabs was essential
to the Zionist mainstream. . . . Brit Shalom's vision of reconciliation
and co-operation with the indigenous population was unthinkable to most
Zionists, because they regarded the Arabs of Palestine as squatters on
sacred Jewish land.
This moral myopia has always been resisted by a minority of
American Jews. There have been successive waves of resistance, provoked
by previous episodes of Israeli brutality: the Lebanon War, the First
Intifada, the Second Intifada. But the most consequential wave of
resistance may be the one we are seeing now from a generation of
young Jews for whom identification with an explicitly illiberal,
openly racist state, led by a close ally of Donald Trump, is
impossible to stomach.
For all their claims to isolation in a sea of sympathy for
Palestine, Jewish supporters of Israel, like the state itself, have
powerful allies in Washington, in the administration and on
university boards.
For many Jews, steeped in Zionism's narrative of Jewish
persecution and Israeli redemption, and encouraged to think that
1939 might be just around the corner, the fact that Palestinians,
not Israelis, are seen by most people as Jews themselves once were --
as victims of oppression and persecution, as stateless refugees --
no doubt comes as a shock.
Operation Al-Aqsa Flood thrust the question of Palestine back
on the international agenda, sabotaging the normalisation of relations
between Israel and Saudi Arabia, shattering both the myth of a cost-free
occupation and the myth of Israel's invincibility. But its architects,
Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif, appear to have had no plan to protect
Gaza's own people from what would come next. Like Netanyahu, with whom
they recently appeared on the International Criminal Court's wanted
list, they are ruthless tacticians, capable of brutal, apocalyptic
violence but possessing little strategic vision. 'Tomorrow will be
different,' Deif promised in his 7 October communiqué. He was correct.'
But that difference -- after the initial exuberance brought about by
the prison breakout -- can now be seen in the ruins of Gaza.
- Eight months after 7 October, Palestine remains in the grip, and
at the mercy, of a furious, vengeful Jewish state, ever more committed
to its colonisation project and contemptuous of international criticism,
ruling over a people who have been transformed into strangers in their
own land or helpless survivors, awaiting the next delivery of
rations.
The 'Iron Wall' is not simply a defence strategy: it is Israel's
comfort zone.
There is a lot to unpack here, and much more I skipped over --
a lot on US and other protesters, even some thoughts by Palestinians --
but for now I just want to offer one point. If Israel had responded
to the Oct. 7 "prison break" with a couple weeks (even a month) of
indiscriminate, massive bombardment, which is basically what they
did for the first month, then ended it with a unilateral cease-fire,
with the looming threat to repeat if Hamas ever attacked again, their
wildly disproportionate response would have more than reestablished
their "deterrent" credibility.
Those who hated Israel before would
have had their feelings reinforced, but those who hadn't hated Israel
wouldn't have turned against Israel. (Sure, some would have been
shocked by the intensity, but once it ended those feelings would
subside. The UN, the ICJ, the ICC wouldn't have charged Israel. The
word genocide would have gone silent. The protests would have faded,
without ever escalating into encampments and repression. Israel could
have washed its hands of governing Gaza, leaving the rubble and what,
if anything, was left of Hamas to the international do-gooders, and
simply said "good riddance."
The Shatz article helps explain why Israel didn't do that. It is
strong on the psychology that keeps Israelis fighting, that keeps
them from letting up, from developing a conscience over all of the
pain and hate they've inflicted. But it misses one important part
of the story, which is the failure of the Biden administration to
restrain Israel. Over all of its history, Israel has repeatedly
worked itself into a frenzy against its enemies, but it's always
had the US to pull it back and cool it off, usually just before
its aggression turns not just counterproductive but debilitating.
You can probably recite the examples yourself, all the way up to
GW Bush and Obama, with their phony, half-hearted two-state plans.
Often the restraint has been late and/or lax, and no Israeli ever
publicly thanked us for keeping them from doing something stupid,
but on some level Israelis expected external restraint, even as
they plotted to neutralize it. So when they finally went berserk,
and Biden wasn't willing to twist arms to tone them down, they
just felt like they had more leeway to work with.
So the piece missing from the Shatz article is really another
article altogether, which is what the fuck happened to America,
who in most respects is a decent human being, and the rest of
America's political caste (some of whom aren't decent at all),
couldn't generate any meaningful concern much less resistance
against genocide vowed and implemented by Israel? There's a long
story there, as deep and convoluted as the one behind Israel,
but it should be pretty obvious by now if you've been paying
any attention at all.
The second piece I wanted to mention is:
Amira Haas: [06-04]
Starvation and Death Are Israel's Defeat. I'm scraping this off
Facebook, because the original is behind a paywall. My wife read
this to our dinner guests recently, which made me a bit uneasy,
because I don't like the use of the word "defeat" here (see my Ali
Abunimah note
below), although I suppose there could
be some language quirk I'm missing, like the difference between
"has lost" and "is lost." Israel has not lost the war, but Israel
is very lost in its practice. Still, I take this mostly as a cri
de coeur, and am grateful for that.
Israel was defeated and is still being defeated, not because of the
fact that at the start of the ninth month of this accursed war, Hamas
has not been toppled.
The emblem of defeat will forever appear alongside the menorah and
flag, because the leaders, commanders and soldiers of Israel killed
and wounded thousands of Palestinian civilians, sowing unprecedented
ruin and desolation in the Gaza Strip. Because its air force knowingly
bombed buildings full of children, women and the elderly. Because in
Israel people believe there is no other way. Because entire families
were wiped out.
The Jewish state was defeated because its politicians and public
officials are causing two million three hundred thousand human beings
to go hungry and thirsty, because skin ailments and intestinal
inflammation are spreading in Gaza.
The only democracy in the jungle was overwhelmingly defeated
because its army expels and then concentrates hundreds of thousands
of Palestinians in increasingly smaller areas, labeled safe
humanitarian zones, before proceeding to bomb and shell them.
Because thousands of permanently disabled people and children
with no accompanying adults are hemmed in and suffering greatly
in those targeted humanitarian areas.
Because mounds of garbage are piling up there, while the only
way to dispose of them is to set them on fire, spouting toxic
emissions. Because sewage and excrement flow in the streets, with
masses of flies blocking one's eyes. Because when the war ends,
people will return to ruined houses chock full of unexploded
ordnance, with the ground saturated with toxic dangerous substances.
Because thousands of people, if not more, will come down with
chronic diseases, paralyzing and terminal, due to that same
pollution and those toxic substances.
Because many of those devoted and brave medical teams in the
Gaza Strip, male and female doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers
and paramedics and yes -- including people who were supporting
Hamas or on its government's payroll -- were killed by Israeli
bombs or shelling. Because children and students will have lost
precious years of study.
Because books and public and private archives went up in flames,
with manuscripts of stories and research lost forever, as well as
original drawings and embroidery by Gazan artists, which were buried
under the debris or damaged. Because one cannot know what else the
mental damage inflicted on millions will bring about.
The defeat, forever, lies in the fact that a state that views
itself as the heir of the victims of genocide carried out by Nazi
Germany has generated this hell in less than nine months, with an
end not yet in sight. Call it genocide. Don't call it genocide.
The structural failure lies not in the fact that the G-word was
affixed to the name "Israel" in the resounding petition filed by
South Africa at the International Court of Justice. The failure
lies in the refusal of most Israeli Jews to listen to the alarm
bells in this petition. They continued supporting the war even
after the petition was filed in late December, allowing the petition's
warning to become a prophecy, and for doubts to be obliterated in the
face of additional cumulative evidence.
The defeat lies with Israel's universities, which trained hordes
of jurists who find proportionality in every bomb that kills children.
They are the ones providing military commanders with the protective
vests, of repeated cliché: "Israel is abiding by international law,
taking care not to harm civilians," every time an order is given to
expel a population and concentrate it in a smaller area.
The convoys of displaced people, on foot, in carts, on trucks
overloaded with people and mattresses, with wheelchairs carrying
old people or amputees, are a failing grade for Israel's school
system, its law faculties and history departments. The debacle is
also a failure of the Hebrew language. Expulsion is "evacuation."
A deadly military raid is an "activity." The carpet bombing of
entire neighborhoods is "good work by our soldiers."
Israel's monolithic nature is another reason for and proof of
utter defeat, as well as being emblematic of it. Most of the
Jewish-Israeli public, including opponents of Benjamin Netanyahu's
camp, was taken captive by the notion of a magical total victory
as an answer to the October 7 massacre, without learning a thing
from past wars in general and from ones against the Palestinians
in particular.
Yes, the Hamas atrocities were horrific. The suffering of the
hostages and their families is beyond words. Yes, turning the Gaza
Strip into a huge depot of weapons and ammunition ready to be used,
through an imitation of the Israeli model, is exasperating.
But the majority of Israeli Jews let the drive for revenge blind
them. The unwillingness to listen and to know, in order to avoid
making mistakes, is in the DNA of the debacle. Our all-knowing
commanders did not listen to the female spotters, but they mainly
failed to listen to Palestinians, who over decades warned that the
situation cannot continue like this.
The seeds of defeat lay in protesters against the judicial overhaul
rejecting the basic fact that we have no chance of being a democracy
without ending the occupation, and that the people generating the
overhaul are the ones striving to "vanquish" the Palestinians.
With God's help. The failure was inscribed back then, in the first
days after October 7, when anyone trying to point out the "context"
was condemned as a traitor or a supporter of Hamas. The traitors
turned out to be the real patriots, but the debacle is ours -- the
traitors' -- as well.
In looking this piece up, I found another at Haaretz worth notice
for the title:
Dahlia Scheindlin: [06-10]
Will the real opposition stand up: Is anyone trying to save Israel
from Netanyahu, endless war and isolation? "Benny Gantz's
unsurprising departure from the Netanyahu government won't strengthen
the opposition, because Israel barely has one worthy of the name."
The Shatz piece doesn't have links, but a casual reference there
to "philosemitic McCarthyism" led me to search out this piece:
Susan Neiman: [2023-10-19]
Historical reckoning gone haywire: "Germans' efforts to confront
their country's criminal history and to root out antisemitism have
shifted from vigilance to a philosemitic McCarthyism that threatens
their rich cultural life."
That, in turn, led me to Neiman's recent review of Shatz's book
The Rebel's Clinic: The Revolutionary Lives of Frantz Fanon:
Susan Neiman: [06-06]
Fanon the universalist: "Adam Shatz argues in his new biography
of Frantz Fanon that the supposed patron saint of political violence
was instead a visionary of a radical universalism that rejected
racial essentialism and colonialism."
Initial count: 209 links, 12260 words.
Updated count [06-10]: 235 links, 15800 words.
Local tags (these can be linked to directly):
on music.
Top story threads:
Israel: As I'm trying to wrap this up on Sunday, I must
admit I'm getting overwhelmed, and possibly a bit confused, by the
constant roll call of atrocities Israel is committing. There appears
to be not just one but several instances of mass slaughter at
Nuseirat refugee camp. There is also "late news" -- later than
the earliest reports below -- including the Benny Gantz
resignation, that are captured in various states of disclosure
below. While I've generally tried to group related reports,
that's become increasingly difficult, so my apologies for any
lapses in order. These are truly trying times. And yet the
solution of a simple cease-fire is so blindingly obvious.
Mondoweiss:
Wafa Aludaini: [06-07]
Not just bombs: Israeli-caused hunger is killing Palestinian children
in Gaza
Ruwaida Kamal Amer:
Doctors evacuate Rafah's last hospitals: "Almost no facilities
to treat the wounded as doctors fear a repeat of Israel's attacks
on hospitals across the Strip."
Giorgio Cafiero: [06-04]
Israel testing Egypt's 'weak hand' in Gaza conflict: "The IDF
now has full control of the Philadelphi Corridor on the border,
but there is very little Cairo can do to respond."
Haidar Eid: [06-09]
My Nuseirat: "I was born in the Nuseirat refugee camp and it
made me who I am. The Nuseirat massacre will not be the last in
Gaza, but like all massacres committed by colonialists, it will
be a signpost in our long walk to freedom that will not be
forgotten."
Adam Gaffney: [05-30]
Don't believe the conspiracies about the Gaza death toll:
"The statistical evidence is clear: Civilians in Gaza have
overwhelmingly borne the brunt of Israel's assault."
Tareq S Hajjaj:
Qassam Muaddi:
[06-07]
The genocide in Israeli prisons: "Families of Palestinian
prisoners are kept in the dark about the fate of their loved ones
at a time when Israeli prison authorities are creating conditions
unfit for human life."
[06-08]
The invisibility of Palestinian Christians: "Palestinian
Christians suffer from a crisis of representation, as some church
leaders and community members disassociate from the Palestinian
struggle and perpetuate the perception that they are a
'minority.'"
Shira Rubin: [06-09]
Moderates quit Netanyahu's emergency government, call for elections:
By "moderates" they mean Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot. Gantz had
joined the government after Oct. 7 in a "national unity" gesture,
but threatened to leave if Netanyahu didn't come up with a "post-war"
plan for Gaza by today, which he didn't. This leaves Netanyahu's
original coalition majority intact, so has no real effect at the
moment.
Jeffrey St Clair: [06-07]
Snatch-and-grab Israeli style: disappearing into the gulag.
Oren Ziv:
Chanting 'burn Shu'afat;' and 'flatten Gaza,' masses attend Jerusalem
Flag March: "Israeli ministers joined the annual celebration of
East Jerusalem's conquest, where racist slogans and attacks on
journalists have become mainstream."
America's Israel (and Israel's America): The Biden
administration, despite occasional misgivings, is fully complicit
in Israel's genocide. Republicans only wish to intensify it --
after all, they figure racism and militarism are their things.
Janet Abou-Elias: [06-06]
Who's minding the stockpile of US weapons going to Israel?
"Congress has further weakened constraints on a special DOD arms
reserve, which is spread over multiple warehouses and lacks a
public inventory."
Michael Arria: [06-06]
The Shift: Netanyahu is going back to Washington: "Benjamin
Netanyahu's upcoming speech to Congress will be his fourth, giving
him the most of any foreign leader. He's currently tied with Winston
Churchill at three. He was invited by the leadership from both
parties. Who says bipartisanship is dead?"
More on the Netanyahu invite:
Matthew Mpoke Bigg: [06-05]
Here's a closer look at the hurdles to a cease-fire deal:
"Neither Israel nor Hamas have said definitively whether they
would accept or reject a proposal outlined by President Biden,
but sizable gaps between the two sides appear to remain." NY
Times remain masters at both-sidesing this, but Israel is the
only side that's free to operate deliberately, so lack of
"agreement" simply means that Israel has refused to cease-fire,
despite what should be compelling reasons to do so. More on
the Biden (presented as Israel) proposal:
Ali Abunimah: [05-31]
Biden admits Israel's defeat in Gaza: Author seeks to poke Biden
in the eye, but quotes Biden's actual speech, adding his annotation.
Mine would differ, but the exercise is still worthwhile. I'd never
say Israel has been defeated in Gaza, except perhaps to say that
Israel has defeated itself (although I'd look for words more like
degraded and debilitated, as I hate the whole notion that wars can
be won -- I only see losers, varying in the quantities they have
lost, but less so the qualities, which afflict all warriors).
I haven't been following his publication, but I've been aware
of Abunimah for a long time. He's written a couple of "clear-eyed,
sharply reasoned, and compassionate" books on the subject:
One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian
Impassed (2007: not remotedly agreeable to Israel, but
not wrong either, and would have "avoided all this mess" --
quote's from a Professor Longhair song, about something else,
but hits the spot here); and
The Battle for Justice in Palestine (2014; my
Books note was: "tries
to remain hopeful")
Fred Kaplan:
Sheera Frenkel: [06-05]
Israel secretly targets US lawmakers with influence campaign on
Gaza War: "Israel's Ministry of Diaspora Affairs ordered the
operation, which used fake social media accounts urging U.S.
lawmakers to fund Israel's military, according to officials and
documents about the effort."
Ellen Ioanes: [06-05]
What happens if Gaza ceasefire talks fail. "Nearly 40 Palestinians
in Rafah will die each day due to traumatic injuries if Israel continues
its incursion, according to a new analysis." How they came up with that
figure, which they project to 3,509 by August 17, boggles the mind.
Israel has been known to kill more than that with a single bomb. And
note how they're breaking out "traumatic injuries" into a separate
category, presumably to separate them out from starvation deaths and
who knows what else? For that matter, "traumatic" is about a pretty
tame generic word for blown to bits and/or incinerated, which is
what Israel's bombs are actually doing, as well as burying bodies
under tons of rubble. When we commonly speak of trauma, usually we
mean psychological injuries -- something which in this case no one
has come close to quantifying.
And can we talk about this passive-voiced "if talks fail." Biden
announced what he called "Israel's plan," and Hamas basically agreed
to it, so who is still talking? The thus-far-failing talks Ioanes
alludes to here are exclusively within Israel's war cabinet, where
failure to agree to anything that might halt the war is some kind
of axiom.
Alon Pinkas: [06-06]
Biden wants an end to the Gaza war. But he is finally realising
Netanyahu will block any attempts at peace. This has been
more/less the story since about a month into the war. although
it took Biden much longer to dare say anything in public, and
he's still doing everything possible to appease Israel. If,
after a few weeks of their savage bombing of Gaza, Israel had
unilaterally ceased fire, no one would doubt their deterrence.
Everyone would have understood that any attack on them would
be met with a disproportionately savage response. They could
then have turned their backs and walked away, simply dumping
responsibility for Gaza and its people, which they have no real
interest in or for, onto the UN. The hostages would have been
freed, even without prisoner swaps. The ancillary skirmishes
with Hezbollah and the Houthis would have ended. Months later,
no one would be talking about genocide, or facing charges from
the ICC. Israel's relations with the US would be unblemished.
And Israel's right-wing government would still have a relatively
free hand to go about its dispossession of and terror against
Palestinians in the West Bank. This didn't happen because Biden
didn't dare object to Israel's genocidal plans, because he's
totally under their thumb -- presumably due to donors and the
Israel lobby, but one has to wonder if he just doesn't have a
streak of masochism. Even now that he's writhing in misery, he
still can't bring himself to just say no.
Mitchell Plitnick: [06-08]
The Biden administration must stop Israel before it escalates in
Lebanon: "There are dangerous signs Israel intends to escalate
attacks on Lebanon and raise the stakes with Hezbollah. If it does,
the risk of a regional war grows enormously. The only way out is
to end the fighting in Gaza." More evidence that the theory of
deterrence is a recipe for disaster. To rally American support,
Israel has tried to paint its genocide in Gaza as a sideshow to
its defense against Iran, the mastermind behind the "six front"
assault on Israel -- because, well, Americans hate Iran, and are
really gullible on that point. To make this war look real, Israel
needs to provoke Hezbollah, which is easy to do because Hezbollah
also buys into the theory of deterrence, so feels the need to
shoot back when they are shot at. This is close to spiraling
out of control, but a ceasefire in Gaza would bring it all to
an abrupt close. A rapprochement between the US and Iran would
also be a big help, as it would knock the legs out from under
Israel's game-playing.
H Scott Prosterman: [06-06]
How Trump and Netanyahu are tag-teaming Biden on Gaza.
Before these men served, no Israeli leader had ever dared to
interfere in US electoral politics. Trump openly campaigned for
Bibi. It's almost as if they ran on the same ticket in 2020. The
political survival of both men is dependent on generating political
outrage among their bases, because they have nothing else to run on.
Philip Weiss:
[06-02]
Weekly Briefing: The political and moral consequences of hallowing
Trump's verdict while nullifying the Hague: "Joe Biden wants
it both ways. He wants Democrats to stop criticizing genocide but
he also wants the Israel lobby's support. Thus, he has a ceasefire
plan in one hand, and an invitation to Netanyahu, a war criminal,
to speak to Congress in the other." Pretty good opening here:
Joe Biden is
trying to end the war in Gaza. He's not trying that hard.
But he's trying.
Biden knows that the Democratic base is on fire. He knows that
for a certain bloc of voters in American society -- Genocide is not
acceptable. Sadly, most people will go along fine with a genocide.
That's what history tells us and what the U.S. establishment is
demonstrating right now. Samantha Power wrote a whole book about
the Sarajevo genocide and launched a great career but now she's a
top Biden aide and just keeps her head down. It's not fair to single
her out -- because all the editorial writers and politicians have a
similar stance. It's a terrible thing that so many civilians and
babies are being killed by American weaponry in Gaza, but hey, look
what Hamas did on October 7. That's the ultimate in whatabboutery.
What about Hamas? While we are burning up civilians.
[06-09]
Weekly Briefing: 274 Palestinian lives don't matter to the Biden
administration: "A week culminating with the massacre of 274
Palestinians in Gaza provided further evidence -- though none is
needed -- that anti-Palestinian bias is simply a rule of American
politics, and today maybe the leading rule."
[06-09]
'Allow me to share a story that touched me deeply' -- Harry Soloway
on Palestinian resistance.
Israel vs. world opinion:
Yuval Abraham/Meron Rapoport:
Surveillance and interference: Israel's covert war on the ICC
exposed: "Top Israeli government and security officials have
overseen a nine-year surveillance operation targeting the ICC and
Palestinian rights groups to try to thwart a war crimes probe."
Yousef M Aljamal: [06-07]
Israel's progression from apartheid to genocide: "The unfolding
genocide in Gaza is the latest chapter in Israel's attempt to remove
Palestinians from their land. All those calling for a ceasefire
should join in the longer-term efforts to dismantle Israeli
apartheid."
Michael Arria: [06-03]
San Jose State University professor says she was suspended over her
Palestinian activism: "Last month Sang Hea Kil, a justice studies
professor at the San Jose State University, was placed on a temporary
suspension because of her Palestine activism."
Ramzy Baroud: [06-06]
End of an era: Pro-Palestinian language exposes Israel, Zionism.
Reed Brody: [06-06]
Israel's legal reckoning and the historical shift in justice for
Palestinians.
Chandni Desai: [06-08]
Israel has destroyed or damaged 80% of schools in Gaza. This is
scholasticide: This is another new word we don't need, because
it just narrows the scope of a perfectly apt word we're already
driven to use, which is genocide. The lesson we do need to point
out is that genocide isn't just a matter of counting kills. If
the goal is to ending a type of people, it is just as effectively
advanced to destroying their homes, their environment, their
culture and historical legacy. Counting the dead is easy, but
much of the devastation is carried forward by its survivors,
and those impacts are especially hard to quantify.
Connor Echols/Maya Krainc: [06-04]
House votes to sanction ICC for case against Israeli settlers:
"The bill, which is unlikely to pass the Senate, would punish US
allies and famous lawyer Amal Clooney."
Richard Falk:
Abdallah Fayyard: [06-05]
It's not Islamophobia, it's anti-Palestinian racism: "Anti-Palestinian
racism is a distinct form of bigotry that's too often ignored."
Joshua Frank: [06-05]
It's never been about freeing the hostages: "Israel's
scorched-earth campaign will cruelly shape the lives of many
future generations of Palestinians -- and that's the point."
Philippe Lazzarini: [05-30]
UNRWA: Stop Israel's violent campaign against us. How violent?
As I write this, our agency has verified that at least 192 UNRWA
employees have been killed in Gaza. More than 170 UNRWA premises
have been damaged or destroyed. UNRWA-run schools have been
demolished; some 450 displaced people have been killed while
sheltered inside UNRWA schools and other structures. Since
Oct. 7, Israeli security forces have rounded up UNRWA personnel
in Gaza, who have alleged torture and mistreatment while in
detention in the Strip and in Israel.
UNRWA staff members are regularly harassed and humiliated at
Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank including East Jerusalem.
Agency installations are used by the Israel security forces,
Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups for military purposes.
UNRWA is not the only U.N. agency that faces danger. In April,
gunfire hit World Food Program and UNICEF vehicles, apparently
inadvertently but despite coordination with the Israeli authorities.
The assault on UNRWA has spread to East Jerusalem, where a member
of the Jerusalem municipality has helped incite protests against
UNRWA. Demonstrations are becoming increasingly dangerous, with at
least two arson attacks on our UNRWA compound, and a crowd including
Israeli children gathered outside our premises singing "Let the U.N.
burn." At other times, demonstrators threw stones.
PS: The day after this op-ed was published, Israel replied as
directly and emphatically as possible: [06-06]
Israel strike on Gaza school kills dozens. Israel claims "the
compound contained a Hamas command post." Perhaps Netanyahu should
brush up on The Merchant of Venice, where the "wise judge"
allowed that Shylock could take his "pound of flesh" but could
spill no blood in the process. Of course, Netanyahu is unlikely to
get beyond the thought that Shakespeare was just being antisemitic.
On the other hand, the notion that one wrong does not allow you to
commit indiscriminate slaughter isn't novel.
Natasha Lennard/Prem Thakker:
Columbia Law Review refused to take down article on Palestine, so
its board of directors nuked the whole website.
Eric Levitz: [06-03]
Israel is not fighting for its survival. I mentioned this piece
in an update last week, but it's worth reiterating here.
Branko Marcetic: [06-03]
The corporate power brokers behind AIPAC's war on the Squad:
Their investigation "reveals the individuals behind AIPAC's election
war chest: nearly 60% are CEOs and other top executives at the
country's largest corporations." I haven't cited many articles
so far on AIPAC's crusade against Democrats who actually take
human rights and war crimes seriously, but they are piling up.
Bipartisanship is a holy grail in Washington, not because either
side treasures compromise but because a bipartisan consensus
helps to exclude critics and suppress any further discussion
of an issue that those in power would rather not have to argue
for in public. Cold War and trade deals like NAFTA are other
classic examples, but support for Israel has been so bipartisan
for so long it defines the shape of reality as perceived all
but intuitively by politicians in Washington. But apartheid
and genocide are unsettling this equation, disturbing large
numbers of Democratic voters, so AIPAC is reacting like its
Israeli masters, by cracking the whip -- the same kneejerk
reaction we see when university administrators move to arrest
protesters. Both are turns as sharply opposed to the basic
tenets of liberal democracy as liberal Democrats routinely
accuse Republicans of. That both are driven primarily by the
extraordinary political influence of money only exposes the
sham that our vaunted democracy has become under oligarchy.
Qassam Muaddi: [06-03]
Against a world without Palestinians: "If the world as it is
cannot abide Palestinian existence, then we will have to change
the world." This piece makes me a bit queasy, but I recognize that
is largely because I've never accepted the conditions under which
it was written, and always preferred to think of Palestinians as
just another nationality, like all others, with its harmless
parochial quirks. But the effort to deny them recognition, and
to erase their memory, has been a longstanding project in Israel.
In early days, this was done through pretense (see
A land without a people for a people without a land and denial
(see Golda Meir's oft-repeated
There was no such thing as Palestinians). Norman Finkelstein
wrote about all that in
Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict (1995;
revised 2003), especially his critique of Joan Peters' 1984 book,
From Time Immemorial.
Another book that was very insightful at the time (2003) was
Baruch Kimmerling: Politicide: Ariel Sharon's War Against the
Palestinians -- reissued in 2006 with the new subtitle,
The Real Legacy of Ariel Sharon. Kimmerling's precise
meaning is still operative, although since then the methods have
become much cruder and more violent. Sharon, of course, would
turn in his grave at the suggestion that he engaged with tact.
I'll never forget the expression on his face when Bush referred
to him as "a man of peace." Even if you dispute that the Gaza
war fully counts as genocide, it is impossible to deny that
politicide is official policy.
I'm sure there are more recent books on the subject, like
Rebecca Ruth Gould: Erasing Palestine: Free Speech and
Palestinian Freedom (2023), which deals specifically
with the canard that "pro-Palestinian" statements should be
banished as anti-semitic. But another aspect of this piece is the
notion that the Palestinian survival is redemptive, potentially
for everyone. I can't say one way or the other, but I will say
that this reminds me of a book I read very shortly after it came
out in 1969:
Vine Deloria, Jr.: Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian
Manifesto. As an American, I find it completely natural
to think of Zionism as a settler-colonial movement, as was
European-settled America. There are many aspects to this: if
I wanted to launch a career as a scholar, I'd research and write
up some kind of global, comparative study of how other settlers
and natives viewed the American-Indian experience. (Sure, there's
enough for a book just on Israel, but I'd also like to see some
bit on Hitler's use of America's "frontier myth.")
Suffice it for now to draw two points here. The first is that
what permanently ended Indian violence against settlers was the
US army calling off its own attacks, and restraining settlers
from the free reign of terror they had long practiced. Indians
were "defeated," sure, but they would surely have regrouped and
fought back had they been given continued cause. The second is
that "Custer died" is pretty damn generous given all of the sins
it's been allowed to redeem.
Jonathan Ofir: [06-02]
Netanyahu is back and leading the polls, all thanks to the ICC:
"In Israel, a potential arrest for crimes against humanity can help
boost the popularity of a politician. That itself is a telling
indictment."
Edith Olmsted: [04-27]
Pro-Israel agitator shouts 'kill the Jews,' gets everyone else
arrested: "Around 100 protesters were arrested on Saturday
at a pro-Palestine encampment at Northeastern University, but
not the one whose hate speech got everything shut down."
James Ray: [06-05]
Do you condemn Hamas? How does it matter? This was a question
every concerned thinking person was asked at the moment of the
October 7, 2023 attacks, although there was never any forum by
within which disapproval of Hamas could have affected their acts.
There were, at the time, many reasons why one might "condemn
Hamas," ranging from the pure immorality of armed offense to
the political ramifications of provoking a much more powerful
enemy, including the probability that Israelis would use the
attacks as a pretext for unleashing much greater, potentially
genocidal, violence of their own. But even acknowledging the
question helped suppress the real question, which is whether
you approve of the way Israel has exercised power over Gaza
and wherever Palestinians continue to live.
Many of us who have long disapproved of Israel's occupation
were quick to condemn Hamas, only to find that our condemnations
were counted as huzzahs for much more devastating, much more
deadly attacks, a process which continues unabated eight months
later, and which will continue indefinitely, until Israel's
leadership (or its successors) finally backs off, either because
they develop a conscience (pretty unlikely at present) or some
calculation that the costs of further slaughter can no longer
be justified. Given this situation, I think it no longer makes
any sense to condemn Hamas, as all doing so does is to encourage
Israel to further genocide.
I'm not even sure there is a Hamas
any more -- sure, there are a couple blokes in Syria who once
had connections with the group, and who continue to negotiate
to release hostages they don't actually have, but for practical
purposes what used to be Hamas has dissolved back into the
Palestinian people (as Israel makes clear every time they
allegedly target "high value" Hamas operatives while killing
dozens of "human shields" -- something which, we should make
clear, Israel has no right to do). If, at some future point,
the war ends, and Palestinians are allowed to form their own
government -- which is something they've never been permitted
to do (at least under Israeli, British, Ottoman, or Crusader
rule) -- and some ex-Hamas people try to reconstitute the
group, that would be a good time to condemn them. Otherwise,
focus on who's responsible for the devastation and violence.
It's not Hamas.
In this, I'm mostly responding to the title. The article is
a bit more problematical, as it does a little arm-chair analysis
of "when armed struggle becomes material necessity." Clearly,
a number of the Palestinian groups listed here decided that it
did become necessary, and they proceeded to launch various
attacks against Israeli power, of which Oct. 7 was one of the
most dramatic (at least in a long time; the revolt in 1937,
and the war in 1948, were larger and more sustained; the
2000-05 intifada killed
slightly fewer Israelis over a much longer period of time).
Still, before one can condemn the resort to armed struggle, one
needs to ask the questions: Were there any practical non-violent
avenues for Palestinians to redress their grievances (of which
they had many)? It's not obvious that there were. (Short for a
long survey of who missed which opportunities for opportunities
for peace -- as the oft-quoted Abba Eban quip comes full circle.)
I was thinking of a second question, which is how effective have
all those efforts at armed resistance been? The answer is not very,
and the prospects have probably diminished even further over time,
but that's easier for someone far removed like myself to say than
for someone who's directly involved.
But in that case, the question becomes: how desperate do you have
to be to launch a violent attack against a power that's certain to
inflict many times as much violence back at you? If you've been
following the political dynamics within Israel, especially with
the rise of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, but also for the long decline
of Labor (starting with the assassination of Rabin) through the
rise of Netanyahu, with the marginalization of the corrupt and
pliant PA and the exclusion of Hamas, Palestinian prospects for
achieving any degree of decent human rights have only grown
dimmer. During this period, I believe that most Palestinians
favored a non-violent appeal to world opinion, hoping to shift
it to put pressure on Israel through BDS. However, thanks to
Israel's machinations, Hamas maintained just enough privacy and
autonomy in Gaza to stage an attack, with nothing other than
fear as a constraint, so they took matters into their own hands.
I feel safe in saying that a democratic Gaza would never have
launched such an attack. Which is to say that responsibility
for the attack lay solely on Israel, for creating the desperate
conditions that made the attack seem necessary, and for not
allowing any other peaceable outlets for their just grievances.
One should further blame Israel for post-facto justifying the
Hamas attack. This is a point that Israelis should understand
better than anyone, because they have been trained to celebrate
the uprising of the 1943
Warsaw ghetto, even though it was doomed from the start.
I don't want to overstate the similarities, but I don't want to
soft-pedal them either. Such situations are so rare in history
as to necessarily be unique, but they do excite the imagination.
Although Israel has vowed to destroy Hamas, they seem to be
doing more than anyone to build Hamas up, to restore their
status as the Palestinians who dared to fight back. Because
Israel has never really minded a good fight. It's peace they
really cannot abide -- and that is what makes them responsible
for all of the consequent injustice and violence, the first of
many things you should blame Israel for.
And as Hamas -- at least as we understand it -- wouldn't exist
but for Israel, when you do condemn Hamas, make sure it's clear
that the blame starts with Israel.
Hoda Sherif: [06-06]
'The generation that says no more': Inside the Columbia University
encampments for Palestine: "Students at Columbia University
continue to disrupt business as usual for Gaza and have birthed
a radical re-imagining of society in the process."
Yonat Shimron: [04-29]
How unconditional support for Israel became a cornerstone of Jewish
American identity: Interview with Marjorie N. Feld, author of
The Threshold of Dissent: A History of American Jewish Critics of
Zionism.
Tatiana Siegel: [06-06]
Hollywood marketing guru fuels controversy by telling staffers to
refrain from working with anyone 'posting against Israel':
The Hollywood "black list" returns.
Trump:
Charlie Savage/Jonathan Swan/Maggie Haberman: [06-07]
If Trump wins: Nothing new here that hasn't been reported elsewhere,
but if you find the New York Times a credible source, believe it.
(I should write more on this piece next week.)
David Corn: [06-06]
Trump's obsession with revenge: a big post-verdict danger.
Michelle Cottle/Carlos Lozada: [06-07]
The 'empty suit' of Trump's masculinity: With Jamelle Bouie
and David French.
Chas Danner: [06-06]
Trump can no longer shoot someone on fifth avenue. Well, his
"New York concealed carry license was quietly suspended on April
1, 2023, following his indictment on criminal charges," leading
him to surrender two guns, and move one "legally" to Florida. If
he shoots someone on Fifth Avenue, he could be charged with
illegal possession of a firearm, but if he could previously get
away with murder, it's hard to see him more worried now.
Maureen Dowd: [07-28]
The Don and his badfellas. She has fun with this, but seems to
get to an inner truth:
Trump is drawn to people who know how to dominate a room and
exaggerated displays of macho, citing three of his top five movies as
"The Good, the Bad and the Ugly," "Goodfellas" and "The
Godfather."
As a young real estate developer, he would hang out at Yankee
Stadium and study the larger-than-life figures in the V.I.P. box:
George Steinbrenner, Lee Iacocca, Frank Sinatra, Roy Cohn, Rupert
Murdoch, Cary Grant. He was intent on learning how they grabbed the
limelight.
"In his first big apartment project, Trump's father had a partner
connected to the Genovese and Gambino crime families," said Michael
D'Antonio, another Trump biographer. "He dealt with mobbed-up
suppliers and union guys for decades.
"When Trump was a little boy, wandering around job sites with his
dad -- which was the only time he got to spend with him -- he saw a
lot of guys with broken noses and rough accents. And I think he is
really enchanted by base male displays of strength. Think about
'Goodfellas' -- people who prevail by cheating and fixing and
lying. Trump doesn't have the baseline intellect and experience to be
proficient at governing. His proficiency is this mob style of bullying
and tough-guy talk."
Abdallah Fayyad:: [06-04]
Trump's New York conviction is not enough: "If the federal
government wants to uphold democracy and the rule of law, it
can't leave convicting Trump to the states."
Phil Freeman, in a [06-01]
Facebook post, summed up Trump's post-verdict appearances almost
perfectly (assuming you get what by now must be a very esoteric
reference):
Donald Trump is officially in his "Lenny Bruce reading his trial
transcripts to audiences that came in expecting jokes" era. Hope
everyone's ready for five solid months of rambling, self-pitying
speeches about how unfair everyone is to him, 'cause that's what's
coming, from today till November 5.
Matt Ford: [06-09]
The right's truly incredible argument for weakening consumer safety:
"A baby products company and an anti-woke activist group are trying
to weaken a critical consumer watchdog agency. If one of their cases
reaches the Supreme Court, we're all in trouble."
Michelle Goldberg: [06-07]
Donald Trump's mob rule: Starts with an anecdote from Peter
Navarro, currently in prison for contempt of Congress, describing
how his Trump ties "make him something of a made man," both with
guards and inmates. "One of the more unsettling things about our
politics right now is the Republican Party's increasingly open
embrace of lawlessness. Even as they proclaim Trump's innocence,
Trump and his allies revel in the frisson of criminality."
There's a similar dichotomy between Trump and his enemies: He
represents charismatic personal authority as opposed to the
bureaucratic dictates of the law. Under his rule, the Republican
Party, long uneasy with modernity, has given itself over to
Gemeinschaft. The Trump Organization was always run as a family
business, and now that Trump has made his dilettante daughter-in-law
vice chair of the Republican National Committee, the Republican
Party is becoming one as well. To impose a similar regime of
personal rule on the country at large, Trump has to destroy the
already rickety legitimacy of the existing system. "As in
Machiavelli's thought, the Prince is not only above the law but
the source of law and all social and political order, so in the
Corleone universe, the Don is 'responsible' for his family, a
responsibility that authorizes him to do virtually anything except
violate the obligations of the family bond," [Sam] Francis [a white
nationalist who has become posthumously
influential among MAGA elites] wrote. That also seems to be how
Trump sees himself, minus, of course, the family obligations. What's
frightening is how many Republicans see him the same way.
Sarah Jones: [06-06]
The anti-abortion movement's newest lie: Are they going after
contraception next?
Ed Kilgore:
Ben Mathis-Lilley:
Kim Phillips-Fein: [06-04]
The mandate for leadership, then and now: "The Heritage Foundation's
1980 manual aimed to roll back the state and unleash the free market.
The 2025 vision is more extreme, and even more dangerous." This is
part of
an issue on Project 2025, which includes pieces like:
James Risen:
Greg Sargent:
Trump's bizarre moments with Dr. Phil and Hannity should alarm us
all.
Alex Shephard: [06-06]
The billionaires have captured Donald Trump.
Matt Stieb: [06-09]
The time Trump held a national security chat among Mar-a-Lago
diners: "When he strategized about North Korea on a golf-resort
patio, it was an early indication of how crazy his administration
would get."
Ishaan Tharoor: [05-31]
Netanyahu and Putin are both waiting for Trump: "Some foreign
leaders may be holding out for a Trump victory." It's not just that
they can expect to be treated more deferentially by Trump. It's also
that they have a lot of leverage to sabotage Biden's reëlection
chances, which are largely imperiled by the disastrous choices
Biden made in allowing wars in Ukraine and Gaza to open up and to
drag on indefinitely.
Michael Tomasky:
It's simple: Trump is treated like a criminal because he's a
criminal.
And other Republicans:
Biden and/or the Democrats:
Jeet Heer:
Showing contempt for young voters is a great way for Democrats to
lose in November: "Hillary Clinton's arrogance already lost
one election. And if Joe Biden follows her example, it can easily
cost another."
Annie Linskey/Siobhan Hughes: [06-04]
Behind closed doors, Biden shows signs of slipping: "Participants
in meetings said the 81-year-old president performed poorly at times.
The White House said Biden is sharp and his critics are playing
partisan politics." My wife found this very disturbing, but I find
it hard to get interested, beyond bemoaning the obvious obsession
of much of the media and some of the public with his age. Perhaps
some day I'll write out my thoughts on aging politicians, but I
don't feel up to it now, and expect I'll have many opportunities
in the future. But I do have a lot of thoughts, which lead to a
mixed bag of conclusions: about Biden (who I've never liked, and
am very chagrined with over certain key policies), Democrats (who
are so terrified, both of Trump and of their own rich donors, that
they're unwilling to risk new leadership), the presidency (where
the staff matters much more than the head or face), and the media
(which has turned that face into some kind of bizarre circus act,
relentlessly amplifying every surface flaw), and maybe even the
people (we suffer many confusions about aging). Also on this:
Angelo Carusone
tweeted about this piece: "The person who wrote that deceitful
WSJ attack piece on Biden age is the same reporter who a few years
ago (while at WaPo) had to delete a tweet for taking a jab at Biden
as he visited his late son, wife and daughter's graves."
Greg Sargent: [06-06]
Sleazy WSJ hit piece on Biden's age gets brutally shredded
by Dems: "After a new report that dubiously hyped President
Biden's age infuriated Democrats, we talked to a leading media
critic about the deep problems with the press this sage exposes."
Blaise Malley: [06-05]
'We are the world power': Biden offers defense of US primacy:
"In TIME interview, president talks up foreign policy record,
offers few details on what second term would hold."
Nicole Narea: [06-04]
Biden's sweeping new asylum restrictions, explained: "Biden's
transparently political attack on asylum put little daylight between
him and Trump." Some more on immigration:
Legal matters and other crimes:
Climate and environment:
Ilana Cohen: [06-07]
The Canadian wildfires are once again sounding the alarm about
what's to come.
Jeff Goodell:
Umair Irfan: [06-05]
How heat waves form, and how climate change makes them worse:
"Heat domes, heat islands, mega-droughts, and climate change: The
anatomy of worsening heat waves." This is a lead article in
The Vox guide to extreme heat.
R Jisung Park: [04-16]
We don't see what climate change is doing to us.
Nathaniel Rich: [0]
Climate change is making us paranoid, anxious and angry: "From
dolphins with Alzheimer's to cranky traffic judges, writes Clayton
Page Aldern, the whole planet is going berserk." Review of Aldern's
book,
The Weight of Nature: How a Changing Climate Changes Our Brains.
Jennifer Szalai: [06-08]
Shrink the economy, save the world? "Economic growth has been
ecologically costly -- and so a movement in favor of 'degrowth'
is growing." Some books mentioned here:
Paige Vega: [06-07]
The hottest place on Earth is cracking from the stress of extreme
heat: "If even Death Valley is in trouble, what does that mean
for the rest of us?" Where it's already hit 121°F this year.
Interview with Abby Wines, a spokesperson from Death Valley National
Park.
Economic matters:
Paul Krugman: Famed economist and New York Times token
liberal columnist, I've paid very little attention to his columns of
late, but thought a quick catch-up might be in order. His more wonkish
pieces, especially on the recurring themes of inflation and budgets,
are informative. And while he seems especially loathe to criticize
Biden from the left, he is pretty clear when he focuses on the right.
[06-06]
Why you shouldn't obsess about the national debt. Sure, it's
a big number, but key point is "it's almost entirely a political
problem," and "people who claim to be deeply concerned about debt
are, all too often, hypocrites -- the level of their hypocrisy
often reaches the surreal."
[06-04]
Goodbye inflation, hello recession? "The landing is almost here,
but will it be soft?"
[06-03]
Should Biden downplay his own success? "A radical idea: The
administration should just tell the truth." But at the end of the
piece, he admits that's "what they've been doing all along," yet
doesn't wonder why that hasn't been working so well for them.
[05-30]
What if this is our last real election? What if our last real
election is already buried deeply in the past? The primary threat
to democracy is the corrupt influence of money, which is something
American politics has never been truly free of, although it has
certainly gotten much worse in recent years -- with Citizens United
perhaps the tipping point, but the basic effect goes way back. Of
course, this is a situation that can conceivably get even worse --
Trump plans to rig the system further, locking in unpopular control
to do unpopular things, especially even more corruption. But it's
naïve to think of Trump as a future threat given not just what he's
already done but what was done to allow him to claim a win in 2016.
[05-28]
On the dangers of inflation brain: "Is the Fed, among others,
focused on the wrong problem?"
[05-27]
The stench of climate change denial: "What overflowing septic
tanks tell us about the future."
[05-23]
America is still having a 'vicecession': "Most voters
say that they're doing OK but that the economy is bad."
[05-21]
Return of the inflation truthers: "Cutting through the misconceptions
and conspiracy theories."
[05-20]
What does the Dow hitting 40,000 tell us? "The stock market isn't
the economy -- but its record high refutes conspiracy theories."
[05-14]
Preparing for the second China shock: "Why the Biden administration
is imposing new tariffs."
[05-13]
Biden's approval is low, except compared with everyone else's:
"Voters are grumpy all across the Western world."
[05-09]
Give me laundry liberty or give me death! "MAGA Republicans'
obsessions with woke washing machines." The House voted for what
they called the
Hands Off Our Home Appliances Act, promising
more specific bills: "the Liberty in Laundry Act, the
Refrigerator Freedom Act and more."
One nice illustration of the culture war aspect was a 2019 petition
circulated by FreedomWorks, a Koch-linked group, titled "Make
Dishwashers Great Again." The petition claimed that "crazy
environmentalist rules" had drastically reduced dishwashers'
effectiveness -- a claim disputed by dishwasher manufacturers
themselves.
But it seemed pretty clear that what really bothered conservatives
was the very suggestion that American consumers should take into
account the adverse effects their choices might have on other people.
That sort of consideration, after all, is what the right mainly seems
to mean when it condemns policies as "woke."
Even if consumers are free to ignore adverse effects, there is a
pretty good case that government should at least price in the
externalities that are currently free to polluters and other
malefactors.
[05-07]
If it bleeds it leads, inflation edition: "How negativity
bias affects economic perceptions."
[05-06]
Meat, freedom and Ron DeSantis: "A full plate of culture war
and conspiracy theories." This does back to Florida's ban of "lab
meat," which is the latest time their governor got much notice.
(Although he tried when he proposed a
law allowing convicted felons named Donald Trump to vote.)
[05-02]
The peculiar persistence of Trump-stalgia: "Are you better off
than you were four years ago? Yes."
[04-29]
Trump is flirting with quack economics: "Beware strongmen who
engage in magical thinking."
[03-07]
Reminder: Trump's last year in office was a national nightmare:
"And he made the nightmare much worse."
Ukraine War and Russia:
Connor Echols: [06-07]
Diplomacy Watch: What's the point of Swiss peace summit? It's
not to negotiate with Russia, which won't be attending. Zelensky
has a "10-point peace plan, which
demands the full expulsion of Russian troops from the country
and the prosecution of top Kremlin officials," which suggests he
still thinks he can "win the war." I seriously doubt that, while
I also see that Ukrainians have much more to lose if the war is
prolonged.
Dave DeCamp: [05-30]
France may soon announce it's sending troops to Ukraine for
training.
Joshua Keating: [06-05]
The US tests Putin's nuclear threats in Ukraine: "Allowing Ukraine
to fire Western weapons into Russia strengthens an ally, but risks
violating an unknown red line." I thought the "red line" was pretty
loudly proclaimed. They're basically testing whether Putin is serious
(which has usually been a bad idea, but the idea of him escalating
directly to nuclear arms is pretty extreme, even for him). Also, it
really isn't obvious how taking occasional pot shots inside Russia
"strengthens Ukraine." Russia has more capability to strike Ukraine
than vice versa, so once you factor the reprisals in it's unlikely
that there will be any net gains, or that such gains could actually
be realized through negotiation. And since negotiation is really
the only avenue for ending this war, that's where the focus should
really be.
Constant Méheut: [06-09]
Ukrainian activist traces roots of war in 'centuries of Russian
colonization': "One Ukrainian researcher and podcaster is a
leading voice in efforts to rethink Ukrainian-Russian relations
through the prism of colonialism." Mariam Naiem. I don't doubt
that there is some value in this approach, but I can also imagine
overdoing it. We tend to view colonialism through a British prism,
perhaps with variations for France, maybe even Spain/Portugal,
each of which varied, although the power dynamic was similar.
Theodore Postol: [06-05]
Droning Russia's nuke radars is the dumbest thing Ukraine can
do: "Attacks on the early warning system actually highlights
the fragility of peace between the world's nuclear powers."
Reuters: [06-05]
Russia to send combat vessels to Caribbean to project 'global power,'
US official says: "Naval exercises spurred by US support for
Ukraine are likely to include port calls in Cuba and Venezuela,
says official." Nothing to be alarmed of here. (My first thought
was how Russia sent its Baltic Sea fleet all the way around Africa
in 1905, only to have it sunk in the Sea of Japan, an embarrassment
that triggered the failed revolution of 1905.) But it does show
that the era where only "sole superpower" US was arrogant enough
to try to project global naval power is coming to a close. Also:
Guardian: [06-06]
Russia nuclear-powered submarine to visit Cuba amid rising tensions
with US. By the way, The Guardian remains a reliable source for
news and opinion with an anti-Russian slant, as evidenced by:
Pjotr Sauer:
Léonie Chao-Fong: [06-05]
Putin says Trump conviction 'burns' idea of US as leading democracy:
Funny guy.
Patrick Wintour: [06-08]
'We're in 1938 now': Putin's war in Ukraine and lessons from
history. The Guardian's "diplomatic editor," this could become a
classic in the abuse of history for political ends, although he offers
a nice feint in this:
As Christopher Hitchens once wrote, much American foolishness
abroad, from Korea to Vietnam to Iraq, has been launched on the
back of Munich syndrome, the belief that those who appease bullies,
as the then British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, sought to
do with Adolf Hitler in Munich in 1938, are either dupes or cowards.
Such leaders are eventually forced to put their soldiers into battle,
often unprepared and ill-equipped -- men against machines, as vividly
described in Guilty Men, written by Michael Foot, Frank Owen and
Peter Howard after the Dunkirk fiasco. In France, the insult
Munichois -- synonymous with cowardice -- sums it up.
But then he quotes Timothy Snyder, and reverts to the stereotype
that Putin is Hitler's second coming, an expansionist so implacable
that he will continue besieging us until we finally gather up our
courage and fight back. The problem here isn't just that Putin is
not Hitler, but that this isn't even a valid portrait of Hitler,
who had specific territorial ambitions that were conditioned by
his times and place -- when "the sun never sets on the British
Empire," presided over by a country no larger or more developed
than Germany, while the vast land mass to Germany's east looked
to him like the American West, promising Lebesraum for
the superior Aryan race. Putin may conjure up the occasional odd
fantasy of Peter the Great or Vlad the Impaler, not something we
can take comfort in, but in an unconquerable world, nationalism
is a self-limiting force, which falls far short of the ambitions
of Hitler or the inheritance of Churchill.
Ted Snider: [06-04]
Why Zelensky won't be able to negotiate peace himself:
"The way out is to transcend bilateral talks to include moves
toward a new, inclusive European security architecture."
America's empire and the world:
Jess Craig: [06-08]
World leaders neglected this crisis. Now genocide looms. "Already
the world's worst displacement crisis, new battlefronts in Sudan could
unleash ethnic violence and genocide." I don't doubt that civil wars
in Africa are much worse than we (especially in America) credit, but
it also bothers me to see how freely the word "genocide" is used here,
as opposed to its extremely clear and precise application to Israel
in Gaza. But the problem here is not just the world leaders who
"neglected this crisis," but also the ones who contributed to it,
either directly (UAE is clearly implicated) or indirectly (Russia
and the US are major arms suppliers, and I wouldn't be surprised
to see some Europeans, and maybe the Chinese, in the mix).
William Hartung/Ben Freeman: [06-07]
Navy admiral's bribery charges expose greater rot in the system:
"When will members of Congress who place shilling for special
interests above crafting an effective defense policy face the
music?"
Ellen Ioanes: [06-03]
What to know about Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexico's next president.
She won last week, with a mandate to continue and extend the policies
of President Obrador. More on Mexico:
Joshua Keating: [06-04]
India's election shows the world's largest democracy is still a
democracy: "The biggest takeaways from Narenda Modi's political
setback." Nearly every report over the last two months projected
Modi's BJP party to win a landslide (as many as 400 of 543 seats),
but the actual total was a plurality of 240 seats, plus 49 for
other parties that have formed ruling coalitions with BJP.
More on the elections in India:
Eldar Mamedov: [06-06]
European Parliament elections: Not quite a 'Trumpian moment':
"Populists on the right are poised to win big this week but don't
expect perfect parallels to what is happening here or a shift in
Ukraine war support."
Nick Turse:
After training African coup leaders, Pentagon blames Russia for
African coups: "The US has trained 15 coup leaders in recent
decades -- and US counterterrorism policies in the region have
failed."
Kathleen Wallace: [06-07]
Narcissistic personality disorder in the USA: It's not just
Trump any more.
Zoe Williams: [06-05]
'How can they treat people like this?' Faiza Shaheen on Labour --
and why she's running as an independent.
Other stories:
Associated Press: [06-06]
Charleston bridge closed as out-of-control ship powers through
harbor: In South Carolina, another 1,000ft ship, narrowly
avoided knocking down another major bridge, as happened
in Baltimore recently.
Kyle Chayka: [05-29]
The new generation of online culture curators: "In a digital
landscape overrun by algorithms and AI, we need human guides to
help us decide what's worth paying attention to." This isn't
meant as an advertisement, but perhaps it is an idea for one:
The onslaught of online content requires filtering, whether
technological or human, and those of us who dislike the idea of
A.I. or algorithms doing the filtering for us might think more
about how we support the online personalities who do the job well.
Ivan Eland: [06-03]
Finding a foreign policy beyond Biden and Trump: "There has
to be an option that would allow the US to engage and protect
its interests without aggressive primacy."
Tom Engelhardt: [06-04]
Making war on Planet Earth: The enemy is us (and I'm not just thinking
about Donald Trump).
AW Ohlheiser: [06-06]
Why lying on the internet keeps working. Reviews, or at least
refers to, a forthcoming book:
\
Renée DiResta: Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies Into
Reality, with what I suppose is a second-order subhed: "If
You Make It Trend, You Make It True."
Kelsey Piper: [06-07]
Where AI predictions go wrong: "Both skeptics and boosters are
too sure of themselves."
Tejal Rao: [06-07]
His 'death by chocolate' cake will live forever: "The chief
Marcel Desaulniers, who died last month, had an over-the-top
approach to dessert, a sweet counterpoint to the guilt-ridden
chocolate culture of the time."
Mike Hale: [06-05]
'Hitler and the Nazis' review: Building a case for alarm: "Joe
Berlinger's six-part documentary for Netflix asks whether we should
see our future in Germany's past."
Tom Maxwell: [04-12]
How deregulation destroyed indie rock across America: "On the
corporate capture of regional radio stations." What happened with
The Telecommunications Act of 1996, enacted by Newt Gingrich and
signed by Bill Clinton: "The act . . . became a checkered flag
for a small number of corporations to snap up commercial radio
stations across the country and homogenize playlists." Excerpted
from Maxwell's book,
A Really Strange and Wonderful Time: The Chapel Hill Music Scene:
1989-1999.
Michael Tatum:
A Downloader's Diary (52): June 2024.
Midyear reports: I've been factoring these into my
metacritic file.
My nephew Ram Lama Hull dredged up a 2016 Facebook "memory" where
he wrote "I'm likely voting 3rd party, and encourage everyone in
Kansas to do the same." He didn't say who, but had a libertarian
streak as well as the family's left-leanings. However, this year
he writes:
I've changed my stance. I still stand by this as a general principle,
but I voted Democrat in 2020, and will do so in 2024: even if my vote
doesn't shift the electoral college results, I want to do my part to
push for a Democratic mandate in the popular vote.
I added this comment:
I moved back to KS in 1999. In 2000, I voted for Nader, figuring that
the Gore campaign was so invisible he might not even get as many votes
as Nader. Bush won bit (58.04%), while Nader only got 3.37%, less than
one-tenth of Gore's 37.24%. I drew two conclusions from this: one is
that Kansas has a very solid minority that will show up as Democrats
no matter how little effort one makes to reach them. (You can also see
this in Moran's Senate results, where he rarely cracks 60% despite
outspending his opponents as much as 100-to-1.) And second, if you
ever want to get to a majority, you have to first win over your own
Democrats. I'm very upset with Biden at the moment over his foreign
policy (not just but especially Israel), but by now I've become pretty
used to lesser-evilism.
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