Well, that's another month, not exactly wasted but not put to very
good use either. I'm still reeling from recent deaths -- among friends,
in my family, of semi-famous people I care about, and others I knew
nothing of. I've never forgotten one of the late Diane Wahto's letters
to the Wichita Eagle, probably right after the stolen 2000 election,
where she bravely declared, "we survived one Bush; we can survive
another." She did, but lots of people didn't, and she herself didn't
survive Bush's partisan successor. Trump's death toll far exceeds the
204,888 Covid death count (as of today), and he's hurt millions more.
Hurts my head just to think about it.
Rolling Stone published a third iteration (after 2003 and 2012) of
The 500 Greatest Albums of All Time. I started to
transcribe it with my grades,
but didn't get very far. Robert Christgau and Carola Dibbell published
their ballots (unranked top-50 lists)
here. Greil Marcus published a
top 40 ballot. Other ballots I've found:
Stephen Thomas Erlewine; well, that's it (RS did publish
a list of voters, but not their ballots; only 28% were identified
as journalists).
Wikiwand has some statistics. I wasn't invited. Thought I might
edit down a list from my
1,000 Albums for a Long and
Happy Life, but haven't found the time. If I do pursue this
further, I'll probably listen to some of the ranked records I had
missed/passed up (as far as I've checked, 24 of the top 240, so
10%).
Only anomaly in the list below worth mentioning is
my dive into
old Charles McPherson albums. Phil Overeem likes his newest album,
Jazz Dance Suites. I wasn't able to find it, but did find a
live album he released back in January, and that got me started. His
1975 album Beautiful! is a long-time favorite, and I also am
a fan of his 2015 album The Journey, so I was primed to look
for more.
Two grade changes this time, nudging up albums I thought were pretty
good to start with. Better to recheck them before the month ends than
to complicate my paperwork later.
Four week month, bumped the rated count up by 184 (so average 46/week,
way above my long-term historic average) -- a bonus for not otherwise
having much of a life, I guess. I haven't run the numbers yet, but I'm
probably ahead on the year, even with more old music recently.
New records reviewed this week:
Artemis: Artemis (2020, Blue Note): [r]: B+(**)
Daniel Carter/Brad Farberman/Billy Martin: Just Don't Die (2018 [2019], Ropeadope): [bc]: B+(*)
Regina Carter Freedom Band: Swing States: Harmony in the Battleground (2020, Tiger Turn): [r]: B+(*)
Tyler Childers: Long Violent History (2020, Hickman Holler): [r]: B+(***)
Dylan Scott:
9 experts reflect on the US reaching 200,000 Covid-19 deaths. Most
say things like Tara Smith: "In February, I knew that 200,000 deaths
were theoretically possible, but I honestly didn't believe we'd get to
that point." David Rehkopf points out "that the US is currently 46th i
the world in terms of life expectancy," adding that "all of these same
factors that impact our COVID prevalence and COVID deaths also are in
many ways similar to what leads to our higher overall deaths as well."
He sees "lack of universal health care" as a major contributor.
Daniel Block:
Packing the court might work. Threatening to pack it did. Reviews
Franklin Roosevelt's 1937 court packing proposal, which was ill-fated
in the sense that it didn't get passed. But under pressure, the Supreme
Court stopped invalidating major New Deal legislation, and gradually
Roosevelt's appointees took over the Court. Block emphasizes similarities
between now and 1937, but I'm more struck by two key differences: FDR
and his Democrats had a huge electoral mandate after the 1936 election,
whereas the most Biden can hope for is a slim majority; and while the
majority on the 1930s Supreme Court was casually selected from upper
class conservatives, the Trump Court is stocked with card-carrying
Federalist Society cult members -- not just predisposed to right-wing
sentiments but selected and cultivated for them.
Noah Feldman:
Amy Coney Barrett deserves to be on the Supreme Court: "I disagree
with Trump's judicial nominee on almost everything. But I still think
she's brilliant." I doubt Feldman, a Harvard law professor and former
clerk for Supreme Court Justice David Souter, wrote that headline. He
does say that she's brilliant, and can be expected to produce carefully
reasoned opinions -- "even if I disagree with her all the way." I find
that degree of legalistic wiggle room disturbing. Note that this post
bleeds into another unrelated one of interest: Timothy L O'Brien:
Elections aren't the only things Trump thinks are rigged: "It's
always somebody else's fault when things turn against him." By the
way, another friend of Barrett's has chipped in: O Carter Snead:
I've known Amy Coney Barrett for 15 years. Liberals have nothing to
fear. I recall similar pieces popping up as soon as Cavanaugh got
nominated. All nominees come with PR machines paving the way. Sooner
or later we'll discover that millions of dollars have been raised to
promote this and other nominations. And thanks to recent Supreme Court
rulings, it will be impossible to establish criminal culpability when
the new Justice rewards her benefactors.
American women need a revolution. It has to be bigger than RBG.
Most memorable line here, about Ginsburg's "improbable" friendship
with Antonin Scalia: "There's no ethical disagreement so profound
that a shared class position can't bridge it." How much harder is it
to form an ethical bridge over a class difference?
As embraced by jurists like Barrett and her old boss, Antonin Scalia,
originalism is its own dogma; the extension of a political theology
committed to an older and more exclusionary version of America.
Barrett understands all that. She's exactly as intelligent as her
advocates say, and she's made all her choices with a sound mind. Her
reward is power. If she's confirmed by the Senate, she'll be able to
finish what Schlafly once started. She could help lock in Trump for
another four years. She'll be able to deal democracy and yes, the
feminist movement the blows the Christian right has dreamed of
landing for years.
Nancy LeTourneau:
Meet the man who vets Trump's Supreme Court picks: Leonard Leo,
of the Federalist Society. I've long found it peculiar how Republicans
invariably wind up appointing conservative Catholics to the Court --
are Protestants, who long held sway but lately have become virtually
extinct, too inclined to respect people as individuals?
You might call it a coincidence that Leo is Catholic and all of the
Supreme Court justices he has been involved with since the 1990s have
been Catholic -- with the exception of Gorsuch, who was raised Catholic
but attended an Episcopal church after he married an Anglican. At this
point, the two women who appear to be in contention for nomination by
Trump (and put forward by Leo and the Federalist Society) are also
Catholic. What is of concern, however, is not their religion, but how
it influences their view of the role of the courts. For example, while
a professor at Notre Dame, Barrett said that a "legal career is but a
means to an end . . . and that end is building the Kingdom of God."
This said, Democrats may be well-advised to make the ACA their
number-one issue in the confirmation fight. The conservative legal
challenges to Obamacare don't just constitute an attempt to strip
millions of potentially life-saving insurance subsidies, or change
health-care policy in a toxically unpopular manner; it also represents
an assault on democracy itself. The American people's democratically
elected representatives entertained the question of whether this law
should exist twice, first in 2009 and then in 2017. The verdict is
clear. The unpopularity of the conservative alternative is unmistakable.
Nevertheless, the right has refused to take the electorate's "no" for
an answer, and is now seeking to use its influence over the judiciary
to override the will of the people. In this way, the Obamacare case
conveniently weds the threat that Trump poses to the material interests
of working people with the threat he poses to democracy itself.
Democrats may have no real chance of blocking Barrett's confirmation.
But the Senate's hearings will provide the party an opportunity to clarify
the stakes of the impending vote that they can still win.
Would court packing be too slippery a slope? I think it's premature
to talk about it. People need to understand two things: it's not such a
radical idea; and it's necessitated by the Supreme Court's obstruction
of popular and necessary policies. A good start would be to refer to
Trump's appointments as "packing the Court" -- that is clearly the
intention, and it's been happening for some time (a deliberate effort
to install partisan ideologues, especially relatively young ones, to
build up a long-lasting right-wing majority, and use that to radically
change laws, subverting the normal processes of democracy). You can
also start pointing out how this "packed" right-wing court has already
broken with established norms to further their partisan schemes (e.g.,
campaign bribery = free speech, unlimited gun rights, allowing voting
discrimination).
As has been noted many times over this past week, the GOP has lost the
popular vote in six of the last seven elections and yet appointed 15
out of the last 19 justices. Barrett would make that 16 out of 20
seats. And that is why the people most assuredly cannot be allowed to
decide the future of reproductive freedom, the future of health care,
or even whether and how their own ballots will be counted in just over
a month. Trump cannot talk about those things because they will
further harm his own polling and will also reflect badly on GOP
senators who pledged to vote for the nominee before they even knew
whom she would be. They cannot talk about those things because
minority rule doesn't poll as well in the U.S. as it does in, say,
Hungary or medieval France. But minority rule is on the ballot. It may
well be the only thing on the ballot. Because if, as the president
promises, his independent justice needs to be seated to decide whose
ballots count, this isn't merely a commitment to entrench unpopular,
dangerous, and partisan policies into constitutional law. It's also a
commitment to commandeering the high court itself into deciding
whether and how to count votes, in an election in which a sitting
president has already pledged that only some voters will be allowed to
pick the winner.
The legal theories of Amy Coney Barrett, explained. An interview
with Keith Whittington, a Princeton professor of politics, starting
with "what is originalism?" When this was posted, Barrett was an
oft-mentioned candidate for the appointment.
Molly Olmstead:
Conservatives are already playing up hypothetical anti-Catholic bias
against Amy Coney Barrett: Because we all know how concerned
conservatives are when it comes to prejudice against minorities?
I'm old enough to remember the old protestant prejudice against
Catholics -- my grandmother was a prime example -- but Catholics
back then (like John Kennedy) disarmed the prejudice by emphasizing
tolerance and the separation of church and state, not by forcing
their most arcane beliefs on their subjects, as Barrett seems to
want to do.
Trump and McConnell now stand poised to create a conservative majority
on the Court that could last decades. The moment marks a triumph for
the Federalist Society, a conservative and libertarian legal group that
has worked since the nineteen-eighties to recruit ultra-conservative
lawyers to serve as judges. Republicans face a potential backlash in
November, but a dramatic and historic change in American democracy and
jurisprudence is under way that could vastly increase the power of the
Presidency, corporations, and the wealthy, and curtail, or bring to an
end, abortion rights, Obamacare, and expansive voting rights.
Shaskar Sunkara:
'Scranton v Park Avenue' is Biden's best campaign issue -- not the
Supreme Court. He has a point, but as Yglesias points out below,
the two are not unrelated. The Supreme Court in itself is unlikely
to persuade anyone who isn't already committed, but it doesn't hurt
to point to the Republicans' hypocrisy viz. 2016, to the naked power
grab, to the packing of the court with Federalist Society cultists.
Also, the most immediately tangible case before the Supreme Court is
a suit to throw out all of Obamacare on the thinest of technicalities,
and Barrett could be the vote that decides to strip health insurance
from millions of people. Still, the overriding issue of the election
is the conflict between one party which blindly serves an unaccountable,
unelected oligarchy and another party which at least recognizes and is
accountable to the vast majority of Americans. Since winning elections
depends on building a majority coalition, that seems like the obvious
point to make.
Still, it's worth remembering the real priorities of Trump and Mitch
McConnell, the Senate Majority Leader, in this nomination. They're
happy to accommodate the anti-abortion base of the Republican Party,
but an animating passion of McConnell's career has been the deregulation
of political campaigns. The Supreme Court's Citizens United decision
brought the issue to wide public attention, but McConnell has been
crusading about it for decades. He wants the money spigot kept open,
so that he can protect his Senate majority and the causes for which
it stands. This, too, is why the Federalist Society has been so lavishly
funded over the years, and why it has expanded from a mere campus
organization into a national behemoth for lawyers and students. Under
Republican Presidents, Federalist Society events have come to operate
as auditions for judicial appointments. The corporate interests funding
the growth of the Federalist Society probably weren't especially
interested in abortion, but they were almost certainly committed to
crippling the regulatory state.
Barrett is a product of this movement, and not just because she
clerked for Scalia. Her writings and early rulings reflect it. Her
financial-disclosure form shows that, in recent years, she has
received about seven thousand dollars in honoraria from the Federalist
Society and went on ten trips funded by it. But it's not as if Barrett
was bought; she was already sold. The judge has described herself as
a "textualist" and an "originalist" -- the same words of legal jargon
that were associated with Scalia. (She believes in relying on the
specific meaning of the words in statutes, not on legislators' intent.
She interprets the Constitution according to her belief in what the
words meant when the document was ratified, not what the words mean
now.) But these words are abstractions. In the real world, they operate
as an agenda to crush labor unions, curtail environmental regulation,
constrain the voting rights of minorities, limit government support
for health care, and free the wealthy to buy political influence.
Matthew Yglesias:
The Supreme Court's role in economic policy, explained. Reminds us
that the point of having a conservative majority on the Supreme Court
is less to legislate from the bench than to veto efforts by Congress and
the Executive to implement changes that regulate business, regardless of
how popular those changes may be.
It's a nice vision, in my opinion, and also a vision of a world in
which the courts play a smaller role in the political process. It is
not the way American politics works. When Alfred Stepan and Juan Linz
surveyed the United States and 22 other peer nations to see how many
electorally generated veto points each country had, they found the US
to be a huge outlier. More than half their sample had just one elected
body that could block policy change -- a parliamentary majority. Seven
had two veto players. France often had one, sometimes two, but since
then has tweaked its rules to ensure that it's always one. Switzerland
and Australia had three. And the United States had four.
Which is just to say it's really, really hard to change the law in
America. In their magisterial work Lobbying and Policy Change: Who
Wins, Who Loses, and Why, Frank Baumgartner and his co-authors
find something superficially encouraging -- it's not the case that the
side with more money backing it normally wins in Congress. The reason,
however, is less encouraging. It simply turns out that there are so
many veto points in the US political system that the status quo almost
always wins. What the increasingly active conservative courts do,
under the guise of aw-shucks balls and strikes refereeing, is
essentially introduce yet another veto player into the system.
Bethany Albertson:
Trump's appeals to white anxiety are not "dog whistles" -- they're
racism. That's because Trump's no whistler. He's the dog. He
isn't the leader of the Republican Party. He's just a guy who watches
too much Fox News, but because he has money and has spent his whole
adult life seeking fame, he's come to represent all the little people
whose prejudices and fears and psychoses he embodies.
Hannah Beech:
'I feel sorry for Americans': A baffled world watches the US: "From
Myanmar to Canada, people are asking: How did a superpower allow itself
to be felled by a virus? And why won't the president commit to a peaceful
transition of power?" The answer to both questions is hubris: the latter
specifically by Donald Trump, the former much more generally. Even the
Soviet Bloc, with nothing we recognize as democracy, generally allowed
a peaceful transfer of power. (As Jeffrey St Clair mentions, in the
piece below, the exception was in Romania, where Ceaucescu's generals
took the leader out into a field and shot him, then outlawed capital
punishment.) The US used to be better regarded, even more generously
than was really deserved, but in the late 1940s Truman decided to
kick the Soviet Union out of the coalition that had won WWII, and
to direct US foreign policy against communists, socialists, labor
unions, and anti-colonial resistance everywhere. When the Soviet
Bloc collapsed, Washington doubled down on its economic program to
impose capitalist austerity everywhere. Where Republicans differed
from Democrats was in their insistence on treating their own folk
as shabbily as the rest of the world. Trump's only innovation to
this Washington Consensus was to stop pretending that the "medicine"
was good for others. His vision is a world of oligarchs who can buy
and sell whole countries. His "America First" is really just Trump
First. Otherwise, if he really represented a system or a party, he
wouldn't cling to power so desperately.
Katelyn Burns:
Trump says he won't commit to leaving office if he loses the election
because of a "ballot scam". I'm growing weary of repeatedly asking
Trump about whether he'd agree to "a peaceful transition of power" if
he loses the election. It should be obvious by now that his repeated
refusals signify two things: he doesn't believe that elections in the
US are fair, not least because he's spending a lot of effort and money
in scamming them for his own benefit; and underlying that, he clearly
doesn't believe that fair and open democratic processes are valuable
in their own right. When Al Gore in 2000 and Hillary Clinton in 2016
conceded, despite receiving more votes than Bush or Trump, they were
showing their respect for a flawed but established democratic system.
Trump has no such respect. He probably regards Gore and Clinton as
suckers and losers for rolling over so easily. In contrast, he wants
to appear tough, as someone who will fight for his beliefs down to
the last technicality -- his dedication is something his supporters
love about him, whereas the willingness of Democrats to back away
from power fights has made them look weak and indecisive. Nor is
this just Trump being his authoritarian bad self. Republicans have
signalled their contempt for democracy for decades ago, as they've
exploited every imbalance and loophole available to them to secure
power far beyond their numbers. Indeed, their agenda is so tailored
to narrow (and unpopular) special interests that it's hard to see
how they could prevail in fair and open elections. (Indeed, it's
easy to find instances where Republicans admit as much.) Still, I
think a large part of Trump's refusal to say something as obvious
as "of course, if I lose I'll respect the law" is that he feels
obligated to project confidence in his electability -- especially
given that polling has consistently shown him to be way behind.
Muddying the waters, casting suspicion on the integrity of voting,
is one of the few ways he can gain credibility for his campaign,
even if it's as likely as not to backfire on him. Given all the
horrors of the last four years, given his manifest ineptness for
the job, given the malevolence of his administration, he should
have no chance to win a second term. Yet your uncertainty just
goes to show that his ploy is working. But it also adds to the
sense of how ominously he looms over the future of the country,
and how much of a toll even recognizing him as a legitimate
political figure is taking from our psyches. [BTW: I previously
wrote more on this, see Rupar below, which includes additional
links on post-election worries.]
ZZ Packer:
The empty facts of the Breonna Taylor decision: "There's a lot that
is god-awful wrong with the grand-jury decision in the death of Breonna
Taylor, not least what the state attorney general, Daniel Cameron,
omitted."
Malaika Jabali:
Joe Biden is repeating the same mistakes that cost Hillary Clinton the
election: "Biden is trying to woo unhappy Republicans, when he
should be mobilizing hundreds of thousands of Democrats." Well, that's
one way to get your attention -- Hillary Clinton is, after all, the
only Democrats who's ever managed to lose an election to Trump -- but
why should those options be either/or? No doubt the Biden campaign
needs to put a lot of effort into getting out the base vote -- that's
how Obama won two elections for Biden, and that's one place Clinton
dropped the ball. On the other hand, I don't see any harm from touting
a few Republican endorsements -- former Michigan governor Rick Snyder
(of Flint water notoriety) is mentioned here. I would worry if Biden
started tailoring his program to make vague cross-party appeals, but
considering his opponent, he has a readymade case -- e.g., sanity.
Peter Kafka:
Apple won't take a cut -- for now -- when Facebook sells online classes:
The underlying story is that Apple currently claims 30% of all charges
for digital services that occur using apps from their app store (thus
exploiting their control over iPhone users). I wasn't aware of that --
I've studiously avoided doing business with Apple ever since my Apple II
days, when I got disgusted over their pricing of hardware components --
but evidently Google does the same thing with Android apps (I have an
Android phone, but don't think I've ever downloaded any apps from their
store, and certainly haven't paid them any money for them).
Jen Kirby:
Yes, Russia is interfering in the 2020 election. "It wants to cause
chaos, again. But it's also learned some lessons from 2016." It's no
secret that Russian hackers favor Trump, and reasonable to infer that's
because Putin favors Trump. But why seems to be nothing but speculation:
maybe it's to sow chaos, maybe it's because Putin thinks Trump will be
easier to deal with, maybe it's because Russia just wants to be viewed
as a serious player, maybe the Republicans are subcontracting (an angle
Mueller doesn't seem to have considered, distracted as he was by high
level contacts between people who don't really work).
How Mitch McConnell is changing the Democratic Party. Republicans
did a lot of things to gain the upper hand in politics, and McConnell
has been just one cog in a big machine designed to grind up democracy
and turn control of government over to autocracy and its self-appointed
agents. Newt Gingrich and his crew transformed the House in the 1990s.
Mostly for social reasons, the Senate has taken longer, but thanks to
the greater visibility of individual Senators, the transformation looks
even uglier.
This is the true McConnell rule: What parties have the power and authority
to do, they should do. And to give him his due: It is much stranger, by
the standards of most political systems, for the reverse to be the case,
for senators to refuse to use their power to pursue their ideological ends
on a question as important as a lifetime appointment to the Supreme Court.
But that's how American politics has traditionally worked.
The economy of World War II proved a Green New Deal is possible.
OK, but I don't see how you can built the political unity behind GND
that WWII enjoyed, in part because climate change is never going to
seem as palpably threatening as Germany and Japan were, in part because
we're not coming out of the Great Depression, in part because business
itself has changed in ways that makes it much harder for government to
command. On the other hand, I doubt that GND can or should be as rushed
or all-consuming as mobilization for WWII was. Cites a paper by
JW Mason/Andrew Bossie:
Public Spending as an Engine of Growth and Equality: Lessons from World
War II.
Bill McKibben:
A post-Ginsburg Court could be one more climate obstacle: Give
him any arbitrary headline, and he'll write you a piece about how
it threatens the planet, adding "any chance we still have will require
abnormal action." Presumably, not abnormal as in McConnell's rush to
approve Trump's pick. More like abnormal in attending demonstrations
led by McKibben. I don't recall Ginsburg ever taking a stand on
anthropogenic climate change, but I do recall the Supreme Court
overturning EPA limits on greenhouse gases because they didn't
consider the economic impacts. She may have dissented from that.
Trump's next pick certainly won't, so I guess McKibben has a point.
But it's always the same one.
Jeff Orlowski:
We need to rethink social media before it's too late. We've accepted a
Faustian bargain: "A business model that alters the way we think,
act, and live our lives has us heading toward dystopia." Well, we never
thought it through in the first place. Social media was created by
private companies, and designed in ways to allow those companies to
profit by taking advantage of their users, and delivering them to
advertisers. There are as lot of problems with that, but giving the
government more control over them, even if it's just regulating them
as monopolies, isn't much better, and could be worse. I'd like to see
non-profit entities set up to chip away at their market, with some
kind of public funding replacing their need to sell things. One great
thing about the Internet is that the marginal cost of data is nil,
so there's no reason anyone has to excluded from anything. Working
back from that point, it should be possible to subsidize content
creation in ways that don't make it subject to political control.
And all sorts of ancillary processes could be generated on the basis
of what people actually want, as opposed to what a few entrepreneurs
calculate can be turned into profit.
JC Pan:
Some rich people are hilariously freaked out about a Biden presidency:
"The mere prospect of a Democratic president nominally meddling with
their plunder has generated anxiety among the wealthy." The photo is
of Jamie Dimon, CEO of JP Morgan Chase, worth $1.3 billion, and among
the seriously worried:
A bombshell
report released last week by the RAND Corporation revealed an
astonishing upward redistribution of $47 trillion from the bottom 90
percent to the top 1 percent between 1975 and 2018. In their paper,
authors Carter Price and Kathryn Edwards argued that if the country's
economic gains over that time period had been distributed as they were
in the postwar era -- that is, prior to the explosion of a bipartisan
free market mania that slashed taxes, hobbled unions, and eviscerated
public programs -- median worker pay today would be about twice what
it is. "This really is the entire country versus a very small number
of people," the Center for American Progress's Ben Olinsky said of the
report. After nearly half a century of raking it in at the expense of
everyone else, with the enthusiastic blessings of right-wing think
tanks and policymakers from both major parties, it's no wonder that
the one percent is now scandalized by whispers of even the mildest
reforms.
"We're gonna have to see what happens": Trump's comments about the peaceful
transfer of power, explained: "Trump won't commit because he's hoping
the Supreme Court will save him." That does seem to be part of the rush to
get a new Supreme Court Justice confirmed before the election. Still, I
think he's overplaying a weak hand. Sure, there are people willing to fight
to keep him as president, but they aren't organized, and won't be effective.
If the election returns are decisive, there will be a lot of pressure on
him to step down, and very little he can do about it. On the other hand,
if it turns into a muddle (as 2000, 2004, and 2016 were), he'll have some
options. On the other hand, Democrats are much less likely to roll over
this time if the election counting looks to be crooked, and secured only
by his packed Supreme Court. More post-election worries:
Nancy Cook:
Trump's team plots his departure -- even if he won't: "One of the
most organized parts of the White House these days is a surprising
place -- the West Wing office planning a presidential transition."
Well, for starters, they got a lot of pardons to write up, as well
as last ditch executive orders, and other ways to muck up an incoming
Biden administration.
Call it liberal bedwetting; being afraid, unable to maintain our emotional
hull-structures and psychological balance. Of course, it is all of that.
Our internal shields collapsed. Not just waking up in the middle of the
night thinking about how bad Trump and the Republicans are and have been.
(That's been a norm for four years, never being able to "normalize" the
actions of this ruling class.) But feeling like we were staring in the
face of something bigger. And personal. Something like . . . our faith
in America -- our mealy-mouthed, privileged, naďve liberal conviction
that the country would get better, erratically and only through fighting,
but in some way that felt nevertheless reliable. I have always assumed
that while the arc of history is long and hard and fraught, that in the
end it really will arc toward justice. This was probably always foolish,
but I felt it. The most pressing questions about progress always seemed
to be when? and how fast? and over what obstacles?
Not if.
I was pretty quickly disabused of the notion that America always does
right -- the Vietnam War did that, but it was easy to find much more --
but it seemed like we always lucked out from the worst consequences of
our deeds. After all, Americans are fundamentally practical people, so
sooner or later you have to adjust to reality and go with something that
works. Clearly, lots of things in America aren't working right now, and
fixing them is going to be hard, in no small part because the solutions
often run against myths right-wingers have propagated over the last 40
(to 75) years. Some such problems are subtle, intricate, difficult to
see, and those will be the hardest. But some are as fucking obvious and
transparent as Donald Trump, and can be solved as simply as
voting him out (or if you're as angry as you should be,
try this one).
When I grew up, it was literally impossible to watch
a movie or TV show that didn't inexorably lead to a happy ending, so you
can see where my instincts came from. That started to change with the
advent of "anti-heroes" (coincidentally with the Vietnam War), and has
progressed to the point where villains are our heroes, and vice versa.
And in this world, it's hard to believe that we'll catch a break, and
see Trump and the Republicans caught up short.
Theodore Schleifer:
This billionaire built a big-money machine to oust Trump. Why do some
Democrats hate him? Reid Hoffman, founder of LinkedIn and investor
in other ventures. Nicholas Lemann wrote about him in Transaction
Man: The Rise of the Deal and the Decline of the American Dream,
where he was profiled along with Adolf Berle and Michael Jensen to
illustrate the business thinking aligned with FDR's New Deal (Berle),
Reagan's right-wing reaction (Jensen), and the business-friendly New
Democrats like Clinton and Obama (Hoffman).
Jeffrey St Clair:
Roaming charges: Simple twists of fate: Weekly column, one I long
avoided but these days he's starting to feel refreshing. Starts with
a series of bullet items on Breonna Taylor, ranging from "There were
146 arrests in Louisville on Wednesday, none for the murder of Breonna
Taylor" to this:
It's tempting to think: so, this is what we've come to. Police can
break into your house in the middle of the night on specious warrant,
shoot you in your bed, smear you after you're dead, entice witnesses
to lie about you, fabricate stories about their own actions and then,
after it's all been exposed, just walk. Free of charges. Free of
discipline. Free to do it all over again. Because they will and they
have. Yes, it's tempting to think this is what we've come to in the
age of Trump. But what if this is what we've always been? Since the
first slave patrols busted into houses late at night, to drag human
beings back into a state of enshackled property.
Also this on the Supreme Court, which could have added more old
cases (hundreds, maybe thousands) but stuck with the most notorious
ones:
I keep hearing about the "legitimacy crisis" that will engulf the
Supreme Court if the Senate moves forward with Trump's expected
nomination. Yet when did the institution that rendered Dred Scott
(1857), Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), Korematsu (1944), Bowers v.
Hardwick, upholding Georgia's sodomy statute (1986), Bush v. Gore
(2000), Exxon Shipping v. Baker, revoking punitive damages for
Exxon Valdez wreck (2008) and Citizens United (2010) acquire this
glittering aura of legitimacy?
The answer is that the 1940s-1970s court did a few things (but
not everything) right, which led people of my age to look to the
Court for protection against unjust political power. That Court
has been systematically undermined over decades, but three Trump
appointments pushes it over the edge into the abyss of despotism.
And, by the way, stopping Barrett won't save us. The Court is
already packed. On a different subject:
COVID-19 mortality rates were
30% lower in unionized nursing homes in New York. When there was
a union, workers had significantly greater access to N95 masks and eye
shields, and infection rates were lower.
Zachary D Carter:
How to build a better American economy: "A blueprint exists for a
more inclusive, successful nation that invests in the well-being of its
citizens. We only have to look to the past."
Sean Collins:
The financial case for defunding the police: "It's time to ask why
we continue to spend millions of taxpayer dollars on police misconduct
lawsuits and billions more on policing that yields poor outcomes."
Text is more nuanced than the headline. It would be a mistake to think
of policing (and the rest of the criminal justice system) solely in
terms of funding. Sure, there are things we spend a lot of money on
that help little and in some cases are downright counterproductive.
On the other hand, there are areas where spending more might be
worthwhile.
Trump's plan to send seniors $200 in drug coupons is unlikely to come
through. Trump has long promised lower prescription drug prices for
seniors, and never lifted a finger to get it implemented. This may look
like a one-time partial compensation, but it's really little more than
a subsidy for an industry which is already ripping Americans off.
2020 presidential debates: What to expect and how to watch. There
will, again, be three presidential debates, the first next Tuesday
(Sept. 29), others on Oct. 15 and 22, with a vice-presidential debate
on Oct. 7. More on the debate(s):
Richard A Friedman:
How to debate someone who lies: "Truth sandwiches, ridicule and other
tactis for Joe Biden when he faces President Trump."
Nicholas Kristof:
To beat Trump, mock him: "The lesson from pro-democracy fighters
abroad: Humor deflates authoritarian rulers." Not necessarily a good
debate tactic, although even as hapless a wit as Hillary Clinton
was occasionally able to get under his thin skin.
Gabby Orr/Nancy Cook:
Trump falls into the trap he set for Biden: "Some on Trump's team
are bracing for a humiliating loss at next week's debate -- after Trump
lowered expectations for Biden by mocking his acumen for months."
Margaret Sullivan:
Four years ago, Trump survived 'Access Hollywood' -- and a media myth of
indestructibility was born. This fails to mention that the Wikileaks
dump of DNC emails came out right after the 'Access Hollywood' tape, a
feint the media readily fell for. Then came Comey's announcement that
the FBI was reopening its investigation into Hillary Clinton's emails,
which resonated with all the earlier email stories. On the other hand,
Trump managed to suppress the Stormy Daniels story until well after the
election, so we have no idea how it might have played out, especially
coming after the "Access Hollywood" tape. It certainly was true that
major mainstream media outlets thought playing Trump up was good for
business, and the polls suggested there wasn't much risk in doing so.
They're liable to think the same thing for the same reasons this time.
But repeatedly letting Trump off the hook isn't the same thing as
deeming him indestructible. They could just as well take that as a
challenge, and demolish him completely by election time. Lord knows,
they owe the public a break.
Katrina Vanden Heuvel:
Stephen F Cohen, 1938-2020. Obituary of the late Russia scholar
and noted critic of neo-Cold War jingoism, especially popular among
Clintonist Democrats since Hillary got shafted, by his wife, aka
editor of The Nation. Also on Cohen:
AJ Vicens:
Republicans decry slow ballot counts while hampering efforts to speed
them up. This is typical of everything Republicans have done on
elections this round: they never offer anything to increase voting,
to make sure voting is representative of the public, and/or to make
sure the results are credible and trusted. They only work to scam
the system, which makes sense given that their agenda is contrary
to the interests of most people, and that most people recognize it
as such.
Alex Ward:
Trump says the US is "out of Syria." But more US troops are heading
there. Several disturbing points here. US troops are currently
"guarding" Syrian oil fields. In Trump's terms, "I kept the oil,"
but the oil is actually to the Kurds. Perhaps worse, US troops are
directly opposite Russian troops, leading to clashes.
I have very little to say here, so will keep it short. High rated
counts continue, although some records below (Shipp, Pretenders) took
4-5 plays to settle down. Pretenders record is almost very good, but
I shut it down on one song I lost interest in. That left me with some
fairly obscure jazz titles for an A-list. Shipp and Bergman suggest
it helps to actually send me the record. DMG sent me several records
in the past, but I had no idea this Last Exit album existed. Stumbled
on it by accident when I was following up on Piotr Orlov's Bandcamp
piece,
How South Africa's Blue Notes Helped Invent European Free Jazz.
Otherwise, I just followed my nose. Especially looked through
Music Tracking for priority picks.
Jazz critic
Stanley Crouch
died last week. I have a
question pending on him, so will write
more once I collect my few thoughts. Meanwhile, Robert Christgau wrote
Appreciation: Stanley Crouch, a towering critic, loved a good fight.
Christgau previously reviewed Crouch's book on Charlie Parker,
Kansas City Lightning. Crouch tried his hand at writing a
Jazz Consumer Guide, although I think he only got one published.
(Gary Giddins and Francis Davis also tried their hands at the format,
well before mine from
2004-10.) One thing I will say about
Crouch is that he was more persuasive writing about what he liked*
than what he hated. (Asterisk there is that I haven't read the Parker
book. Parker is worshipped by all reputable jazz critics, no doubt
including Crouch, but I've never given up my doubts.) By the way,
Phil Freeman writes about Crouch in his
Ugly Beauty column, along with notes on the late Gary Peacock and
a bunch of new records I need to check out.
Haven't done this week's new releases in the
metacritic file yet, but did
catch up the previous week. That seems to be the new normal.
New records reviewed this week:
Fontaines DC: A Hero's Death (2020, Partisan): [r]: B+(*)
Robert Gordon: Rockabilly for Life (2020, Cleopatra): [r]: B+(*)
Frank Gratkowski/Simon Nabatov/Dominik Mahnig: Dance Hall Stories (2017 [2020], Leo): [r]: B+(**)
Gordon Grdina's the Marrow: Safar-e-Daroon (2018 [2020], Songlines): [r]: B+(***)
Gordon Grdina: Prior Street (2019 [2020], self-released): [bc]: B
Charlotte Greve/Vinnie Sperrazza/Chris Tordini: The Choir Invisible (2018 [2020], Intakt): [r]: B+(*)
Tee Grizzley: The Smartest (2020, 300 Entertainment): [r]: B+(***)
GuiltyBeatz: Different E.P (2020, Banku Music, EP): [yt]: B+(*)
Aside from the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, my main takeaway for
the week is that I'm seeing a lot of articles trying to promote the
election chances of Donald Trump, or at least make you real nervous.
One of the more self-consciously rational ones is Ed Kilgore:
A rational case for Trump winning the election without stealing it.
A bit less rational is Michael Kruse:
Trump is riding high. Can he keep from blowing it?.
I suppose this sort of thing is good for clicks, and may impress upon
Democrats the need for extra vigilance. The "rational" basis seems to
be that Trump's approval ratings are little (if any) worse than they've
ever been, and there's also the Electoral College skew, the well-oiled
Fox propaganda machine, and a lot of "dark money" up to "dirty tricks"
(and I suppose you can throw the omnipotent Russians into the mix).
But there's also a lot of irrational, often downright magical thinking
involved. I cite a few articles in this cluster below, but I'm not in
general interested in speculative paranoia. There are plenty of real
things to fear these days. Nor do I wish to prejudge the malevolence
and malignancy of the American people. If Trump wins, that case will
be proven, and if not, faith in democracy -- even one as compromised
as ours -- will be vindicated.
The death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg opens up a seat on the Supreme
Court, which has emerged as the ultimate arbiter of vice and virtue
in the nation today. The fact that at age 87, with a series
of grave illnesses, she clung onto her "appointment for life" shifts
our focus away from her life and accomplishments to the political
import of allowing Donald Trump to appoint her successor, subject
only to the confirmation of Mitch McConnell's Republican Senate.
The politicization of the Court is not new, although it has taken
on a heightened and more desperate tone with recent polarization.
From roughly 1940-80, we were fortunate to have had a Supreme Court
that interpreted the Constitution in ways that expanded personal
freedom and promoted social justice. This was a consequence of
Franklin Roosevelt's long tenure as president and the legacy he
left, which Republican Dwight Eisenhower rarely challenged, and
which John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson extended. The most important
achievement of the New Deal Court was its rulings against Jim Crow
laws, although it's worth noting that their effect was limited
until serious civil rights legislation was passed under Johnson.
This period lasted long enough to let people forget that before
Roosevelt, the Supreme Court had been by far the most reactionary
branch of government. Conservatives railed against the Court, and
Richard Nixon mounted the first significant right-wing attack on
the civil rights and social justice the New Deal Court promoted.
Ever since, the right has mounted an hysterical campaign to take
away the rights granted by the Court -- especially abortion, but
also the constitutional right to privacy free choice is based on --
and to secure ever greater privileges for the rich (as evidenced
most clearly by the Court's recent claim that unlimited campaign
spending is protected "free speech").
In recent years, the Court has been precariously balanced between
Republican-nominated conservatives and Democratic-nominated liberals,
with the former holding a 5-4 majority. The vacancy caused by the
death of Antonin Scalia in February, 2016 should have given Obama the chance
to flip the court 5-4 in favor of the liberals, but Mitch McConnell's
Republicans controlled the Senate and refused to even hold hearings
much less risk a vote on Obama's nominee (Merrick Garland, actually
chosen for his centrist credentials). Their argument then was that
with the election on the horizon, the appointment should be reserved
for the incoming president, not the outgoing "lame duck." Needless
to say, that is an argument you won't be hearing McConnell make this
time, even though the election is much closer now (46 days after
Ginsburg's death, vs. eight months after Scalia's).
Tim Alberta:
The reason why Trump might delay replacing Ginsburg: "Keeping
Republicans hungry for a more conservative court is the only guarantee
of earning their support." I don't see any reason why this is true.
Andrew Cohen:
The mighty Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "The late justice's legacy is a
towering monument to liberalism's quest for equal rights." Compare
that to the likely obituary of her Trump-appointed replacement:
"Another small cog in the conservative machine's efforts subvert
equal rights, privilege the rich, and make everyone else's lives
nastier, shorter, and more brutish."
If confirmed in 2020, a RBG successor would be third Trump nominee
selected by a president who lost the popular vote and confirmed by
a GOP Senate majority that represents less than half of the public.
George W. Bush initially lost the popular vote and named two justices.
The senators who confirmed Clarence Thomas had less than half of the
popular vote too. Majority rule frays.
There's also a chart here showing that shortest vacancy before
a presidential election where a replacement was nominated and
confirmed was 144 days, in 1916, with the runner up at 228 days.
Scalia died 269 days before the 2016 election. Ginsburg 46 days.
The reality is that Ginsburg's passing actually creates a trap for the
GOP. With court-expansion gaining steam on the progressive left, the
last thing that Republicans need right now is to be confronted with the
rank hypocrisy of their decision to block Merrick Garland's nomination
by Barack Obama in 2016. Four years ago, the GOP unified around an
obviously sham rationale for stonewalling the Garland nomination --
that Supreme Court vacancies shouldn't be filled in an election year.
And Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell didn't even bother clinging
to this fiction for very long.
Harold Meyerson/David Dayen:
Why Ruth Bader Ginsburg won't be replaced . . . until after the
election. Of course, not pushing the vote before the election
leaves two months for a lame duck session to do the deed. If the
Democrats win big, that won't look pretty, but no reason to think
optics will phase McConnell.
Ian Millhiser:
The one thing Democrats can do to stop Trump from replacing Justice
Ginsburg: "Court-packing may be the only solution." Title and
subhed are at odds. The Democrats cannot change the number of Supreme
Court justices to stop Trump from nominating and the Senate from
confirming a successor to Justice Ginsburg. To do so would require
legislation, passed by both houses of Congress, and signed by the
president (currently Trump), or overriding a veto with a two-thirds
majority of each Congressional body. The Democrats don't have the
votes to even fantasize about this, and such an act would be
pointless without a Democratic president. Court-packing is an
option the Democrats might have after the 2020 election, but the
only serious effort to use it was Franklin Roosevelt's in 1937,
which failed even with Democrats holding the presidency and
overwhelming majorities in Congress. While tradition and racist
Southern Democrats had something to do with that, the Court helped
save itself by starting to allow some New Deal legislation (this
was "the switch in time that saved nine"). For Democrats to pack
the Court now would require a sustained argument both that Trump's
own packing of the Supreme Court (one-third of the Court in one
term which he won only due to Electoral College malfunction) was
unfair and that the resulting Court is way out of step with public
opinion. The odds of that happening do go up if Trump manages to
appoint Ginsburg's successor, but it's a pretty empty threat at
the moment.
Rebecca Traister:
It shouldn't have come down to her: "Some will try to blame Ruth
Bader Ginsburg for not stepping down sooner. They are missing the
point."
By the way, just read that
Stephen F Cohen (81) died. He's written
extensively on Russia and Putin, consistently arguing against restarting
the Cold War and de-escalating the anti-Russia hysteria among Democrats
since the 2016 election, without being uncritical of Putin. He will be
missed, but if Trump is soundly defeated in November he may not be as
essential as he's been over the last four years.
I'm also saddened to note that
Diane Wahto (80) has died here in Wichita. She was a friend and an
ally, a former chair of the
Wichita Peace group.
Some scattered links this week:
Kate Aronoff:
The Biden adviser who gives climate activists nightmares: Ernest
Moniz, Obama's secretary of energy, nuclear physicist, "good friend"
of the fossil fuel industry. Under Moniz, oil companies overcame
Hubbert's Peak to increase US oil and gas production past its 1969
peak. Since then, he's cashed in on the favors he doled out to the
industry.
Andrew Bacevich:
The China conundrum: deterrence as dominance: "Does it really make
sense to begin an arms race with China when there are so many other
areas for competition and collaboration?" Democratic defense apparatchik
Michele Flournoy, oft-touted as Biden's likely Secretary of Defense,
thinks so. She is being provocative, as well as stupid.
Samuelson notes the work that Treasury secretaries Henry Paulson and
Timothy Geithner, along with Federal Reserve Board Chair Ben Bernanke
did to combat the Great Recession, and then says "but that doesn't
excuse their failure to anticipate the housing boom and to preempt
the bust." This is absolutely right. . . .
Unfortunately, Samuelson also gives this trio credit for avoiding
a second Great Depression. That's just a fairy tale they tell to
children to justify shoveling hundreds of billions of dollars to the
richest people in the country, to save their banks from their own
incompetence. There is nothing about the situation in 2008-09 that
would have forced us to endure a second Great Depression. We know the
secret of getting out of a depression. It's called "spending money."
Unfortunately, that trio made sure that most of the money went to
bankers, which turned out to be a very inefficient use of stimulus
cash (but nice for bankers, sure).
Moriah Balingit/Laura Meckler:
Trump alleges 'left-wing indoctrination' in schools, says he will create
national commission to push more 'pro-American' history. If anything,
the opposite is the problem: "Yet educators and students say that Trump
is wildly out of touch with what happens in public school classrooms,
where the United States is still held up as a beacon of freedom and
democracy, and a moral leader." That assertion was dubious even when
I was growing up, which was one reason the more I read into US history,
the more critical I became of American foreign (and for that matter
domestic) policy. Trump is calling for more (not less) indoctrination,
because he wants to make sure that Americans blindly follow leaders
like himself. I find this proposal exceptionally horrifying, not
just because it perpetuates a mythology which reinforces problems
and issues we've failed to own up to but more basically it attacks
the very principle that truth matters, and that historians are
responsible for uncovering truth within the context of time past.
It is, in short, a demand that we give up the ability to think
critically and act morally.
Medea Benjamin/Leonardo Flores:
The US needs a new 'Good Neighbor' policy toward Latin America:
Reminds me how one of Mexico's 19th century presidents lamented: "Poor
Mexico. So far from God, so close to the United States." For 30 years
after the Spanish-American War, America treated Latin America with
"gunboat
diplomacy" -- repeatedly invading countries and installing puppet
regimes. Franklin Roosevelt tried to turn this around with his Good
Neighbor Policy, and generally did, until the Cold War spread and
gave he US excuses to overthrow a dozen or more countries, starting
with Guatemala in 1953.
Chas Danner:
The 2020 hurricane season is officially out of names. Only other
year when they "went Greek" for extra names was 2005, which wound up
with 27 named storms, but took an extra month to get there (three
storms were so large that year their names were retired: Katrina,
Rita, and Wilma). For a full rundown on this year's storms, see
Wikipedia. Since this article,
Tropical Storm Beta was named, and is gathering strength in the
Gulf of Mexico as it heads for Texas and Louisiana.
Hurricane Teddy, a Category 4 (the second largest this year, after
Laura), is still active, but well off the Atlantic coast, threatening
Bermuda, and likely to wind up hitting Nova Scotia. Tropical Storm Vicky petered out after hitting the Cabo Verde Islands, and Tropical Storm Alpha
veered east into Portugal and Spain. Tropical Storm Wilfred is still
active, well out in the Atlantic and slowly heading toward the East
Coast. Because storms are named when they reach tropical storm level
(tropical depressions are just numbered) the names sometimes seem out
of sequence. The Atlantic hurricane season officially ends on November
30, but note that there were already 4 named storms (all tropical
storms with 45-60 mph winds) before the season started, so norms
don't seem to be working this year.
At the end of July, writing for Vanity Fair,
I revealed that Kushner had commissioned a robust federal COVID-19
testing plan, only to abandon it before it could be implemented.
One public health expert in frequent contact with the White House's
official coronavirus task force said a national plan likely fell out
of favor in part because of a disturbingly cynical calculation: "The
political folks believed that because [the virus] was going to be
relegated to Democratic states, that they could blame those governors,
and that would be an effective political strategy."
The story struck a nerve, partly because it painted a picture of
what might have been: The administration could have invested in a
national testing system at a scale that could have greatly limited
the number of cases and deaths. Instead the U.S. is on track to pass
the grim milestone of 200,000 official COVID-19 deaths this month.
With just 4% of the world's population, we now account for 20% of
global deaths from the virus. . . .
Part of the answer almost certainly lies in the deep-seated belief,
held by Kushner, President Trump, and their loyalists, that the federal
government not only should not, but cannot play an effective leading
role in responding to the pandemic, owing to its lumbering bureaucracy
and onerous rules. At almost each step they have ignored the expertise
of career officials and dismissed those with relevant experience as
counterproductive meddlers. Trump famously calls them the Deep State.
Tom Engelhardt:
Fire and fury like the world has never seen: One thing I've never
been able to fathom is why some people think the "second coming of
Christ" would be a good thing. My grandfather was the first to broach
that subject with me, when he asked me whether I thought the founding
of Israel would harken the day (the only thing I can remember him
ever asking me). I don't recall answering. He came from along line
of farmers whose intellectual interests began and ended with the Book
of Revelations. (My father was the last of that line, and his ideas
were pretty unconventional. My own take was that Revelations was to
the Bible what a punchline was to a joke: if somehow you managed to
swallow the set up, something that would make you finally realize
it has all been a farce.) As it turns out, David Lloyd George thought
just that when he signed the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and British
rule over Palestine seemed designed to further that scenario (to the
extent it seemed designed at all). There are at least a dozen recent
books on how Trump is paving the way for the end times -- and those
are just the ones by his more fanatic supporters. As something of a
born-again atheist, I have no faith in heavenly kingdoms, either on
earth or elsewhere, but I do recognize the impulses of crazed leaders
to burn and leave it all in ruins. Early in his term, Trump famously
threatened "fire and fury" should North Korea defy him. As Engelhardt
notes:
And in every way imaginable, Donald Trump delivered as promised. He's
been uniquely fiery and furious. In his own fashion, he's also been a
man of his word. He's already brought "fire and fury" to this country
in so many ways and, if he has anything to say about it, he's just
gotten started.
Don't doubt for a second that, should he be losing on November 3rd
(or beyond, given the mail-in vote to come), he'll declare electoral
fraud and balk at leaving the White House. Don't doubt for a second
that he'd be happy to torch that very building and whatever, at this
point, is left of the American system with it before he saw himself
"lose."
Since he is, in his own fashion, a parody of everything: a politician,
a Republican, an autocrat, even a human being, he sums up in some extreme
(if eerily satiric) fashion human efforts to destroy our way of life in
these years. In truth, fiery and furiously fueled, he's a historic cloud
of smoke and ash over us all.
John Feffer:
Trump's scorched-earth doctrine: "Trump is doing whatever he can
to make it impossible for his successor to resolve some of the world's
most intractable problems." This article could have been 5-10 times
as long (for instance, it never mentions Venezuela or Cuba, Bolivia
or Brazil, or Somalia, where Trump has now bombed more than Bush and
Obama combined). Maybe he's making some progress on disengagement from
Afghanistan and Iraq, although nothing you can bank on. And he does
seem to have dodged the worst case scenario he was headed for with
North Korea, but again he's failed to work out any form of deal.
Feffer has been working up to this piece, as in his
A memo to the next president.
Matt Ford:
Bill Barr's titanic lack of self-awareness: I don't see why it's so
hard to understand Barr. Subhed says "he claims to be just a public
servant," but Republicans since Margaret Thatcher have repeatedly
argued that there is no public interest, therefore no such thing as
a public servant. All people are simply self-interested, and for
Republicans self-interest means looking at everything purely in terms
of political advantages. In Barr's case, "everything" is law, and
law is simply a tool to be used for advancing his party and himself.
He's smarter about it than Trump is, but that's a pretty low bar.
More on Barr this week:
Benjamin Hart:
Trump administration to ban WeChat and TikTok from app stores beginning
Sunday. Allegedly there is a national security angle here, but it
also seems likely that Trump is doing this just to force the apps to
be sold to "American" companies, in which case it's hard to imagine
that some sort of graft isn't involved. More:
Pamela Karlan:
Our most vulnerable election: Review of Lawrence Douglas: Will
He Go?: Trump and the Looming Election Meltdown in 2020.
Stephen Kinzer:
Back off Venezuela already: "The American campaign against socialist
leader Nichoas Maduro is only hurting the people of the country." And
reminding Venezuelans that the United States has always favored business
interests over the people. [Unfortunately, the Boston Globe makes it
impossible for occasional readers to access articles on their website.]
Jen Kirby:
Are China and Iran meddling in US elections? It's complicated.
I'm sure that nearly every government in the world sees their fate
affected by US elections, but few can do anything about it, and
little of what they do can have any real effect -- in part because
"meddling" usually produces an adverse reaction. Israel is the only
real exception inasmuch as they can appeal for support from two
groups of voters: Israel-minded Jews, and (more significantly and
successfully of late) Apocalypse-minded Christians. But nobody much
talks about Israel's efforts.
Ezra Klein:
There are no good choices: "In shifting so much responsibility to
individual people, America's government has revealed the limits of
individualism."
A progressive vision to make America great: Interview with Klein's
partner at Vox, Matthew Yglesias, about his book: One Billion
Americans: The Case for Thinking Bigger. "In it, he argues that
the path to ensure American greatness and preeminence on the world
stage is a combination of mass immigration, pro-family policy, and
overhauling America's housing and transportation systems." Yglesias
is an often astute critic of right-wing political efforts, but he
also won last year's "Neoliberal Shill" award, mostly for the sort of
"policy vision" he presents in the book. I often cite Yglesias, but
haven't rushed out to buy the book. Last week I cited a critical
review: Jacob Bacharach:
The emptiness of Matthew Yglesias's biggest idea. Bacharach's
sharpest jibe:
But what does it mean when a columnist or a pundit writes "a book"?
Swift reads, even when they number in the many hundreds of pages,
volumes like David Brooks's The Second Mountain or Paul Krugman's
Arguing With Zombies or Thomas Friedman"s "flat world" diptych
tend to collect a set of superficially counterintuitive arguments and
insights that upon closer inspection almost always resolve themselves
into the preexisting, commonsense notions that their intended readership
already assumes to be true.
I can see the argument that if America wants to "remain number one,"
it may be helpful to swell the population to a level comparable with
China and India, but I don't get what's so important about "remaining
number one." If America's self-appointed role as global hegemon is
failing (as certainly appears to be the case), maybe the answer isn't
to compete harder but to find a path to cooperation that precludes
the need for anyone to be hegemonic? And while I'm open-minded about
immigration, I don't see a tripling of the current population as
necessarily good for our quality of life. Indeed, I'm inclined to
be skeptical about the real value of growth -- which is, as always,
the main thing "neoliberal shills" have to peddle. Here's another
review of Yglesias' book: Felix Salmon:
Matthew Yglesias thinks there should be 'One Billion Americans'.
Paul Krugman:
The GOP plot to sabotage 2021: In refusing to even negotiate a
new relief/stimulus package, Republicans are signifying two things:
they don't think any new legislation will help them at the polls in
November; and if they lose, their intention is to leave the nation
in the worst possible shape for the Democrats in January. Of course,
if the Republicans retain control of the Senate, they'll do all they
can to make Biden look bad, much as they did to Obama in the recession
he inherited. You'd think this calculation would be obvious -- and
something Democrats could rally voters against. But Republicans were
no less blatant in 2008-09, and somehow managed to ride obstruction
to a major rebound victory in 2010. Even if they lose in November,
they feel invincible, because no one really calls them on their most
malevolent impulses. Even less remarked upon is how this works as
extortion. The basic argument is that if you don't elect Republicans,
they are going to cause so much destruction that you'll regret the
affront. Of course, normal, sane people would never give in to that
sort of bullying. Yet time and again the American voters do -- at
least, enough of them in our severely skewed electoral system to
let them claim victory and use their powers to profit the 1% and
undermine everyone else.
Ella Nilsen:
The ways Democrats could retake the Senate majority, explained. I
rarely link to these horserace pieces, but flipping the Senate (and
ending the filibuster) are essential for Biden and the Democrats to
have any effectiveness at all. Would be especially delicious should
South Carolina and Kentucky retire Graham and McDonnell.
The cultural permanence of Donald Trump: "Trumpism has become
America's latest civic religion, and it won't be voted out of office
in November." Presumably what he means to say is that even if Trump
is voted out of office in November, Trumpism will survive as a
political legacy and continue to affect elections indefinitely
into the future. I rather doubt that. A big part of Trump's allure
is his reputation as a winner, and losing will wipe that out --
even if his apologists come up with lots of excuses. Also, although
his retail political skills are pretty meager, it is really hard to
think of anyone else who is seriously rich/successful yet with his
slovenly reality TV persona seems approachable and acceptable to the
clods who adore him. Mainstream Republican donors had no interest in
Trump until he won, and will have no interest in him if he turns out
to be a loser. They will carry on, looking for newer, more convincing
cons to carry on their graft.
Deborah Pearlstein:
How the government lost its mind: "Over the past 50 years, America has
given up on the Enlightenment-era ideals of its Founders -- and the
country's coronavirus disaster is the result."
Kirsi-Marja Hayrinen-Beschloss:
The wildfires changed how she sees life: "Carol Duncan's father
almost died in Australia's fires. Now, she's angry at the government --
and has quit her job to focus full-time on relief work."
Katha Pollitt:
Melania Trump really doesn't care: "A new book by her ex-best friend
shows how the first lady sold her soul." The book is Stephanie Winston
Wolkoff's "tell-not-quite-all" Melania and Me: The Rise and Fall of
My Friendship With the First Lady. By the way, article opens with a
picture of Trump and Melania kissing. Reminded me of the cartoon show
Bojack Horseman. Weirdest thing about that show was when different
species (e.g., with horse or dog heads) try to kiss.
Andrew Prokop:
Bob Woodward's new book Rage, and the controversies around it,
explained. "What did Trump know about the coronavirus? And what did
Woodward know?" It's occurred to me that Woodward might have been trying
to make Trump look more knowledgeable about coronavirus in February than
he was, although when you listent to the tapes, you quickly realize that
he didn't know much -- the value of the tapes was in contrast to the
even dumber things he later said publicly. It's also possible that
Woodward didn't grasp even what Trump said, and that the import of
the quotes only became evident near publication time when publishers
were searching through the book for tidbits they could market. It's
even possible that Woodward's conclusions about Trump fitness were
suggested by editors after having read the book. More on Rage:
Isaac Chotiner:
Bob Woodward's bad characters: Evident sources include Robert O'Brien,
James Mattis, and Dan Coats ("Of Woodward's three main characters, Coats's
journey is the most pathos-filled.") The book starts with O'Brien:
We are only two pages in, which is usually about the moment in a Woodward
book when you can guess whether a subject has coöperated: if he has, he
almost certainly comes out looking well. Three pages later, a week has
passed, and Woodward casually notes that O'Brien, appearing on CBS, has
just said about the virus, "Right now, there's no reason for Americans
to panic. This is something that is a low risk, we think, in the U.S."
Another author might note the dissonance between O'Brien's public and
private statements; Woodward does not even allude to it. But this is
typical of Woodward's White House-centric narratives: inconsistencies
pile up; narrative threads are dropped and then recovered without any
notice of the ways in which they have altered in the interim. In a 1996
review of his books, Joan Didion wrote, "Those who talk to Mr. Woodward,
in other words, can be confident that he will be civil ('I too was growing
tired, and it seemed time to stand up and thank him'), that he will not
feel impelled to make connections between what he is told and what is
already known, that he will treat even the most patently self-serving
account as if untainted by hindsight." . . .
And yet Woodward appears as unequipped to grapple with Trump as the
erstwhile members of his Cabinet were. Whether Woodward and his sources
are aware or disengaged, cynical or naďve, takes on extra importance
because of the unique challenges and outrages of our era, in which a
willingness to abide Trump has sat side by side with an inability to
understand his malignancy. . . .
One of the issues that marred Woodward's Bush books, despite their
interest, was his willingness to believe less-than-honest people. That
is an even bigger problem in the Trump era, which has outdone the Bush
years in dishonesty and features an outrageous number of people whose
only motive for serving in government seems to be personal glory or
wealth. If this is not enough to make anyone pine for Dick Cheney, the
lying at least makes it even more vital that journalists doubt what
they hear and think carefully about what to weed out or explain. I
somehow have trouble believing that Lindsey Graham is, as Woodward
recounts, worried that the judiciary is becoming "too partisan" or
that much can be gleaned from Jared Kushner's endless monologues on
leadership. The problem goes beyond the details. In one conversation,
Mattis and Tillerson discuss the importance of State and Defense
working together and beefing up the diplomatic corps; a reader who
did not follow the news in 2017 would be surprised to learn that
Tillerson was simultaneously embarking on gutting the State
Department. . . .
Even Woodward's worst books contain an astonishing number of
fascinating details, but those who have lamented the failure of
our institutions to stand up to Trump are unlikely to be surprised
by the mind-set of the people who populated them. Acceptance of
how far we have fallen would have meant not only reappraising the
country many of them loved but also the Party many of them belonged
to. But the alternative explanation for their behavior is no better:
they knew what was coming and -- whether out of a sense of decorum
or partisanship or cowardice -- refused to say so.
Trump's ABC town hall revealed a president disconnected from reality:
"He faced tough questions from voters -- and had few answers." Subheds:
Trump won't even acknowledge that systemic racism is a thing;
Trump has no shame about just making stuff up; This is your
brain on Fox News.
Along similar lines, Trump told a voter who asked him about immigration
that he'll unveil new legislation "in a very short time" -- a talking
point he often uses to buy time when he doesn't really have a plan.
On the topic of law and order -- one that Trump is trying to make a
centerpiece of his campaign -- Stephanopoulos grilled him on a disconnect
between what he said back in 2016 and what he's saying now.
"You promised four years ago at the Republican Convention, 'I'm gonna
restore law and order in this country,'" he pointed out.
Trump's response was that he has -- if you disregard all the large
cities that are run by Democrats (so, most of them).
Trump went on to compare the unrest that took place in American cities
over the summer with the fall of Berlin in 1945, seemingly unaware of
how that analogy reflects on his stewardship of the country.
Nancy LeTourneau:
Is America strong enough to confront its racist past? Clever of
her to flip the tables and present Trump as weak, but the real issue
with him is that he rejects Americans' common understanding of ideals:
especially the central importance of equality.
That is precisely what threatens both Trump and his supporters. To
confront the role that racism plays in our society is a two-step
process. First of all, we must recognize that, since our founding,
U.S. institutions have been grounded in white supremacy. Secondly,
in order to ensure that our principles of equality and justice apply
to everyone, those institutions have to change.
That first step presents an obstacle for people like Trump, who
view any admission of error as a sign of weakness. During his speech
on Thursday, the president said that the narratives being pushed by
the left resemble the anti-American propaganda of our adversaries,
concluding that "both groups want to see America weakened, derided
and totally diminished."
But Trump's approach is the one that broadcasts weakness. It takes
strength to examine ourselves, identify shortcomings, and correct them
to the best of our ability. . . .
In many ways, what is on the ballot in November are these two views of
what it means to be an American. Are we a country that is too afraid to
even admit our shortcomings, or are we strong enough to be self-critical
and seize our power to continue the process of aligning the country with
our highest ideals?
Why aren't voters blaming Donald Trump for the bad economy?: "Tens
of millions are unemployed, hungry, and behind on the rent. But the
economy is barely registering as an election issue." Just spitballing
here, but Trump got no credit for the "great" economy because for most
people it wasn't all that great, but has the "bad" economy since the
pandemic broke out really been that bad? The massive first-round of
stimulus spending made up for a lot -- one result being that Americans
did a lot of saving during the lockdown. On the other hand, there's
a tweet here based on an article interviewing construction workers in
Ohio, which is totally deluded. Doesn't say much for the cognitive
skills of the American people.
Why does The Washington Post publish this Never-Trump drivel?
Singles out a recent op-ed by AEI flunky Danielle Pletka, where her
"principles" go into full wobble: "I never considered voting for Trump
in 2016. I may be forced to vote for him this year."
Danny Sjursen:
September 14, 2001: The day America became Israel: The date was when
Congress voted, with just one dissent (Rep. Barbara Lee, D-CA) to give
GW Bush a blank check for starting his Global War on Terror. Three days
earlier, planes flew into the World Trade Center in NYC and the Pentagon
near DC, killing close to 3,000 people. I was in Brooklyn at the time,
visiting friends, and we watched a lot of TV that day. One thing I saw
was stock video of Palestinians cheering and burning US flags, released
by Israel shortly after the attacks. Later during the day, I saw the
grinning mugs of Benjamin Netanyahu and Shimon Peres bragging about
how good the attacks were for Israel, predicting that now Americans
will see the world the way Israelis do. (Ariel Sharon was PM of Israel
at the time, but his limited English didn't merit prime time, nor did
his perpetual scowl.) 9/11 gave the neocons recently installed in key
government positions by Bush and Cheney the opportunity they've been
waiting for. The neocons may have started as fanatic Cold Warriors,
but in the 1990s they formed an alliance with Israel's right-wing to
scuttle the Oslo Peace Process and confront both the Palestinians and
their Arab neighbors from a stance of absolute, uncompromising power.
With Sharon's accession to power, their relationship to Israel shifted
from support to envy: their most fervent hope was for the US to impose
its absolute power on the world, as Israel was doing in its own little
corner. Whence came mantras like "axis of evil" and "real men go to
Tehran." You can argue about how well that stance has served Israel:
the conflict with the Palestinians will never end until Israel grants
them some semblance of justice, but the costs of dominance are within
politically acceptable bounds, as long as BDS doesn't hamper business,
and the next Intifada is no more efficient than the last. And for now,
Israel has nothing to fear from formerly hostile neighbors. The thrust
of Kushner's (which is to say Israel's) diplomacy has been to form a
united political front between Israel and Arab despots who fear Iran
and their own people and other Arabs and hope they will be more secure
with hoards of sophisticated American and Israeli arms. Speaking of
which, more on the Kushner deal:
John Allen Gay:
How the Israel-UAE deal can enable US military disengagement from the
Middle East. A couple of delusions here. Increasing US arms sales
in the Middle East is the opposite of disengagement. Even if those arms
sales come with strings attached, the US cannot be assured that the
weapons will be used as the US might wish. Israel has always followed
its own security dictates, as when they supported Iran while the US
was arming Saddam Hussein. While the UAE-Saudi war in Yemen presumably
was approved by the US, the UAE went its own way in Syria, supporting
Al-Qaeda-linked militias. Nixon/Kissinger had this idea back in the
1970s of handing security responsibilities off to regional powers,
the track record was pretty abysmal. Their favorites in the Middle
East were Saudi Arabia (who promoted Salafism and Jihadists), Iran
(overthrown by revolution), and Pakistan (who gave us the Taliban).
There is no reason to think that any "client" state in today's
Middle East will prove any more subservient. On the other hand,
Trump is doing us no favors by aligning with the most cruel and
autocratic regimes in the region.
Farah Stockman:
What I learned from a list of Trump accomplishments: "Facts are vital.
But they are not sufficient." An introduction and executive summary of
A fact-checked list of Trump accomplishments, where the list itself
"consisted of 123
bullet points posted on the
Conservative Hangout Facebook page in May." The thing I found most
interesting here is that in order to make Trump look good, the listers
most often selected "facts" designed to make Trump look more liberal
than he is. Liberals may be embarrassed about using the word to describe
themselves, but conservatives are shameless in recognizing that liberal
policies are more popular than their own -- hence the need to hide and
lie about them.
Once you strip away the misleading claims from this list of accomplishments,
you are left with what Mr. Trump has delivered: tax cuts for the wealthy
and for corporations -- No. 84. Deregulation for banks and businessmen --
No. 97. Judges for the evangelicals -- No. 109. Tariffs on Chinese steel
for the steelworkers -- No. 113. And after those tariffs sparked a trade
war, bailouts for farmers -- No. 72. He moved the embassy to Jerusalem,
for conservative Jews and evangelicals -- No. 110.
To Mr. Trump's supporters, those are real accomplishments. But are they
worth more than Mr. Trump's failures, during a deadly pandemic? More than
his broken promises? More than what he has destroyed? That's the question
facing voters in November. Maybe this list of his true accomplishments
needs to be weighed against a list of what he has dismantled over these
last four years. Anybody got one? I'd be happy to fact-check it.
America needs a democratic revolution: "Fixing systemic inequities in
voting power should be a high priority for Democrats." Sure, the Electoral
College, the extreme rural skew of the Senate, the gerrymandering of House
districts, are all structural defects that skew and deform democracy, but
they are essentially impossible to fix without overhauling the Constitution,
and that's impossible as long as one major party thinks those iniquities
work in its favor, especially a party with no scruples for democratic
process. By all means, feel free to shame the Republicans for attempting
to undermine democracy and turn government into a self-perpetuating grift
and patronage machine, but don't for a moment think Democrats can afford
to wait until the structural problems are fixed before delivering better
policy and service when and wherever they manage to win some power. Also,
note that the biggest inequity in American politics isn't geographical.
It is money, which cut across party lines deeply enough that Democrats
in 2009 made no effort to limit campaign spending or lobbying, even
though they had the presidency and large majorities in Congress. Sure,
it's unfair that the Electoral College is so skewed that a Democrat
might have to win the popular vote by more than 5% to break even, but
presidential elections have swung as much as 22% (61%-39%). There's
no reason Democrats can't formulate a winning campaign, especially
given that Republicans seem to have deliberately chosen policies so
extreme and unpopular they can only win by exploiting structural
inequities. The Democrats' biggest problem has loss of credibility,
caused by failing to deliver on the modest promises of their centrist
leaders. Whining about how the system is stacked against them isn't
a viable excuse. After all, stacked systems are something workers
face every day. They don't need to be told the system is unfair.
They need leaders who can challenge and beat it anyway.
A group of centrist lawmakers has a new compromise proposal for more
stimulus: "The Problem Solvers Caucus is attempting to break the
impasse on additional aid." Bipartisan legislators, balanced 25-25,
took the Democrats' $3 trillion HEROES Act proposal and cut it in
half, which is still a lot more than Trump and McConnell want --
since Wall Street rebounded they've lost their taste for government
helping people through the pandemic/recession, although they can't
quite admit as much in public. That's especially true for the 25
Republicans who signed on -- most of them hold seats that are very
likely to flip to the Democrats in November.
Got a late start writing today. I had the idea yesterday that I'd
finally try to make lasagna -- something I've never tried before,
although I have been known to make a pretty awesome pastitsio. Back
when I first had the idea -- well over a year ago -- most of the
recipes I consulted called for oven-ready noodles, so that's what I
bought and still had on hand. I started with Mark Bittman's classic
lasagna recipe, and made the bolognese sauce yesterday, but ran out
of time and saved it overnight. Bittman called for boiled noodles,
but all I had was oven-ready, so I wound up mostly following the box
recipe -- adding an extra cup of water to my reduced meat sauce to
make sure the noodles had plenty of liquid. Made pretty much every
mistake possible in assembling the loaf, and it looked pretty ugly
when it came out of the oven. Not bad, but the noodles were the weak
link.
A bit surprised the rated count is so high, but my method for
getting there was pretty conducive to quantity over writing.
I searched through my
tracking file for records I had
given a medium/high priority to (basically 2 vs. 1, on what I had
originally conceived of as a 3-to-0 scale, but haven't been using
the ends). Currently I have 164 records at priority 2, mostly jazz.
I started the week adding Saving Country Music picks to my
metacritic file, so
there's a fair number of alt-country albums in this week's crop.
I also stumbled my way onto the Aerophonic Records
Bandcamp,
where Dave Rempis has been releasing a lot of his old tapes (a
fairly common strategy for musicians sidelined by the pandemic).
I also rummaged through my Downloads directory, sorted out what I
had accumulated, and created a log to manage it better.
My other splurge this week was from
Robert Christgau's Consumer Guide, which aside from a few records
I had previously given various B+ grades to (Chicks, No Age, No Joy,
Taylor Swift -- I revisited No Age, see below), and Nat King Cole's
Jumpin' at Capitol (released in 1990, an A- from way back, and
not the only one), had
a lot of things I hadn't heard. Only one I couldn't find was The Human
Hearts, which back in 2012 released another Christgau A- I never managed
to hear. Surprised I didn't like Billy Nomates more, especially
given that I like Sleaford Mods a lot more than Bob does, but maybe that
was the point?
Christgau, by the way, published his guide to volunteering to work
on the side of sanity and civilization in the 2020 election today:
Vote!
It Ain't Illegal Yet!. He's practiced what he preaches for many
years now. I know a couple others who volunteer regularly to help
with campaigns, but no one who's put more into it. All I can manage
to do is to write up some obvious truths (as I've been doing weekly
in my Weekend Roundups; for the Trump
era, you can download
this [odt format], which
isn't totally up to date).
I usually spend a fair amount of time updating the metacritic file
on Mondays before posting this, but decided I'd rather get this out at
a decent hour, and catch up later. Also thought I'd do a books post
this week, but didn't make much progress on that, given the sheer
length of
yesterday's
Weekend Roundup (1738 lines, 12816 words, making it the longest
ever, eclipsing 1601/11281 from two weeks back)..
New records reviewed this week:
The 81's: 2 Things & 118 Others (2020, The 81's): [r]: B+(**)
100 Gecs: 1000 Gecs and the Tree of Clues (2020, Dog Show): [r]: B+(**)
Jessi Alexander: Decatur County Red (2020, Lost Creek Music): [r]: B+(*)
Pedro Melo Alves: In Igma (2019 [2020], Clean Feed): [r]: B-
American Aquarium: Lamentations (2020, New West): [r]: B+(**)
Antibalas: Fu Chronicles (2020, Daptone): [r]: B+(***)
Mulatu Astatke & Black Jesus Experience: To Know Without Knowing (2020, Agogo): [r]: B+(***)
Teodross Avery: Harlem Stories: The Music of Thelonious Monk (2020, WJ3): [r]: B+(***)
I picked this up on Facebook, forwarded by a couple of friends.
I thought it might do more good here:
If you're active in the BLM movement (or even if you're just Black),
you're getting posts on your feed about Biden and Harris's pro-police
records.
If you're an environmentalist, you're getting posts on Biden's
past support of fossil fuels.
If you're LGBT, you're reading articles about Harris defending
California's policy of not providing gender reassignment surgery to
trans inmates.
If you want universal health care, there's a post on your page
about how Bernie was robbed and Biden is in Big Pharma's pocket.
If you're for immigrant rights, there is an article in your top
20 right now about Obama being the "deporter in chief."
This is especially true if you live in Florida, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
Michigan, Wisconsin, or Arizona.
None of these articles are wrong. Most of them lack context, and
may err by omission, but they're not fake news. The organizations
paying Facebook to show them to you, on the other hand, or paying
"influencers" to share them . . . those are fake. They don't care
about Black lives, or the environment, or trans people, or health
care, or immigrants. They only want one thing.
They want you to not vote in November. Or vote third party, which
is the same thing.
Whether it's a troll cubicle farm in Novgorod or a right wing
think tank in Richmond, microtargeting allows them to aim directly at
your feels and feed your outrage, disgust and sense of powerlessness.
They can't get you to vote for Trump, but they might get you to not
vote against him.
Don't fall for it. Elect Biden. Flip the Senate. Then get back to
work in 2021. Elect more Bernies and Warrens and AOCs and Jamaals in
the primaries. Keep moving the Overton window. Scare the lukewarm
Democrats you've just elected into doing the right thing. Hold Biden
to the platform commitments he made to Sanders delegates, and push
him to go beyond.
Because unlike Republicans, Democrats CAN be steered, persuaded,
shamed, flattered, or convinced to take action. Obama didn't start
out favoring gay marriage, or cannabis legalization. Hell, LBJ wasn't
for desegregation, until he was.
Put Trump where he belongs, in the hands of the SDNY attorneys.
Let Ruth Bader Ginsberg retire. Vote. And wear your mask. Thanks.
Copy. Paste. Speak the truth to the world.
We're less than two months away from the election. An insane amount
of money is being raised and spent to sway that election, and it will
be used to try to manipulate you in all kinds of ways. Beware that most
of the money comes from rich people with their own private agendas --
indeed, a lot of it is coming through "dark money" fronts intended to
avoid transparency and accountability. Misinformation and dirty tricks
are likely to come so fast and furious you'll never be able to sort
them out. On the other hand, you really only have to know a few things
to decide this election: we live in a very complex world which requires
expertise and trustworthiness to function; trust depends on respect
and empathy for other people; a democratic government ("of, by, and
for the people") is essential because it is the only basis for fair
and just management of this complexity. Republicans have repeatedly
failed to run competent government, partly because they are hold many
people in contempt, and partly because they see political power only
in terms of their ability to reward their donors and lock in their
own power. While conservatives have failed for many years, they have
rarely exposed their own incompetence as blatantly and hopelessly as
they have under the leadership and direction of Donald Trump. He is
a disaster and an embarrassment. He and his party deserve to be driven
from the halls of power, and the only way to do that is to elect
Democrats: Joe Biden for president, and the other Democrats running
for Congress and state and local office. The more complete the rout,
the better. It's easy to say this is the most important election of
our lifetimes, but it may be more accurate to say that if we fail to
take our country back this time, this may be one of the last chances
we get.
Some scattered links this week:
Danielle Allen:
The flawed genius of the Constitution: "The document counted my
great-great-grandfather as three-fifths of a free person. But the
Framers don't own the version we live by today. We do. The document
is our responsibility now."
Nancy J Altman:
Trump really does have a plan to destroy Social Security. The linchpin
here is eliminating the payroll taxes that fund Social Security. Trump has
already suspended collection of those taxes until the end of the year,
producing a short-term stimulus and a slightly longer-term liability.
The idea is that when the bill comes due, people will feel the pinch,
and demand relief from the tax. As half of the tax is deducted from
workers' checks, they would see a slight increase in take-home pay,
but few would manage to save enough to make up for the eventual loss
of retirement income. The other half is paid by companies, who could
use the savings to pay workers more, but more likely will pocket the
profit. Franklin Roosevelt thought that the regressive payroll tax
would protect the program against predatory business efforts, but he
didn't anticipate the short-sighted nihilism of Trump's generation.
By the way, Glenn Kessler tries to argue that Trump has no
such plan: see
Biden campaign attacks a Trump Social Security 'plan' that does not
exist. The gist of Kessler's argument seems to be that Trump says
so many incoherent things, and does so little to clarify them, that
you can't attribute anything as deliberate as a plan to him.
Recent economic data and surveys have laid bare the growing divide.
Americans saved a stunning $3.2 trillion in July, the same month that
more than 1 in 7 households with children told the U.S. Census Bureau
they sometimes or often didn't have enough food. More than a quarter
of adults surveyed have reported paying down debt faster than usual,
according to a new AP-NORC poll, while the same proportion said they
have been unable to make rent or mortgage payments or pay a bill.
And while the employment rate for high-wage workers has almost
entirely recovered -- by mid-July it was down just 1 percent from
January -- it remains down 15.4 percent for low-wage workers, according
to Harvard's Opportunity Insights economic tracker.
Jane Chong:
Donald Trump, constitutional grift, and John Yoo: An overly long
review of Yoo's Defender in Chief: Donald Trump's Fight for Presidential
Power. You may remember Yoo as the lawyer in GW Bush's White House
who came up with the most incredible legal rationalizations for Cheney's
torture policy. "There isn't a lot more to Yoo's argument than his
insistence that executive energy is a good and constitutional thing."
Still, he usually waits until a Republican is in the White House before
deciding for dictatorship.
Jelani Cobb:
Our long, forgotten history of election-related violence: "President
Trump has sparked dangerous lawlessness, but killing and destruction
linked to political antagonisms are nothing new for this country." Still,
I don't find it very reassuring that his first example dates from 1856.
Anne Diebel:
Trumps on the couch: Review of Mary L Trump's Too Much and Never
Enough: How My Family Created the World's Most Dangerous Man. Sooner
or later, Donald Trump will no longer darken our doors, and from that
point on I'll have no desire to ever read about him again. Indeed, the
only one of a dozen books I've read to date that reveals much worth
knowing about Trump is TV critic James Poniewozik's Audience of
One: Donald Trump, Television, and the Fracturing of America,
and that's because he bothered to sort out the meaning of so-called
"reality TV" -- something I've never had the slightest interest in
actually watching. The only other book that seems like it might be
enlightening is his nieces's psychobiography, and that's largely
because she takes a broader and deeper view of his family.
Jason Ditz:
Biden says stay in Mideast, increase military spending: Well, that's
not exactly what he said -- the only exact quote here is "forever wars
have to end," but he isn't acknowledging that what makes them "forever"
is America's military footprint in the Middle East. Ditz's subhed is
also an exaggeration: "Biden wants to refocus on fighting Russia." He
said that NATO has been "worried as hell about our failure to confront
Russia," which could be ominous but is probably just a reflection on
Trump's passive-aggressive stance. Still, statements like this give
Trump some room to paint Biden as the warmonger in the campaign --l
admittedly less credible than the same charge against Hillary Clinton,
but the track record is that both have supported wars and the military
pretty much in lockstep.
Nayantara Dutta:
Neighbors are gathering online to give and get things they need right
now: "In 'Buy Nothing' and gifting groups around the country,
communities are connecting over free stuff." This is something I'd
like to see happening, not least because I'm one of those guys (my
wife calls us hoarders) who can't abide the idea of throwing things
away that might be useful to other people, but who's too lazy to
find people to give them to. I could imagine a neighborhood online
exchange for browsing and ordering, with delivery so you don't have
to go in to shop, and pickup of anything you care to pass on. You'd
need a warehouse, a computer system, some sorters and deliverers,
and someone would have to make decisions about recycling or trashing
items that nobody wants. An open source software project could service
many of these, and possibly add higher level interchanges to move
surplus items into other locations with more needs. You could skim
some stuff off to sell on the free market, and possibly finance some
of the operation that way.
Steve Early/Suzanne Gordon:
Under Trump, military veterans and service members have been 'losers':
Trump's Secretary of Defense Mark Esper wants "to trim $2 billion
allocated for direct care for 9.5 million active-duty personnel,
military retirees, and dependents over the next five years." Gordon
is the author of a book, Wounds of War: How the VA Delivers Health,
Healing, and Hope to the Nation's Veterans.
Tim Elfrink:
Police shot Portland slaying suspect without warning or trying to arrest
him first, witness says. Michael Reinoehl was a suspect in the shooting
of a pro-Trump "Patriot Prayer" counter-protester in Portland, making it
hard to determine whether the shooting had been in defense (of self or
others). By the way, Aaron Rupar quotes Trum on this: "This guy was a
violent criminal, and the US Marshals killed him. And I'll tell you
something -- that's the way it has to be. There has to be retribution."
The thread I pulled this from disputes that federal marshals were the
ones who killed Reinoehl. Dean Baker comments further: "I guess courts
and trials are too complicated for little Donnie Boy to understand."
As Richard Silverstein summed up this story,
Trump urges summary execution of protesters.
John Feffer:
Trump and the troops: "The alternative to Trump is not the
glorification of military service. It's promoting the kind of service
that gets fewer people killed."
Thomas Frank:
We need to reclaim populism from the right. It has a long, proud leftwing
history. Excerpt from Frank's recent book, The People, No: A
Brief History of Anti-Populism, which I recently read, and generally
liked. As a Kansan, I've spent a fair amount of time reading about the
People's Party, and for that matter the Socialist Party (which one had
a significant foothold in southeast Kansas). I appreciate Frank's brief
history of the 1896 and 1936 elections. I do, however, think that there
is a significant difference between the "liberal anti-populists" Frank
attacks in the modern Democratic Party and the "anti-populism" of 1896
and 1936, and that difference matters going forward. I'll also note
that part of the problem in 1896 was that silver wasn't a very good
answer to the deflationary pressures of the time -- the Greenback
Party of the 1870s was actually on a better track.
Stanley B Greenberg:
How Trump is losing his base: "Focus groups with working-class and
rural voters show the deep health care crisis in America, and trouble
for Trump's re-election." Makes sense, but the polls are showing Trump
has a very consistent level of support, so if he's losing base votes,
how is he compensating? Alexander Sammon argues that Trump's
making up his losses among seniors with Latino votes -- see:
The Biden-Trump demographic switcheroo.
By contrast, the new Biden app still collects data on users, but it
outlines the specific uses of that data and doesn't automatically
collect the e-mail and phone numbers of users' friends and family.
"Unlike the Biden app, which seeks to provide users with awareness
and control of the specific uses of their data, the Trump app collects
as much as it can using an opt-out system and makes no promises as to
the specific uses of that data," Samuel Woolley, the director of the
propaganda research project at the University of Texas's Center for
Media Engagement, told me. "They just try to get people to turn over
as much as possible."
Also note:
The policy also notes that the campaign will be collecting information
gleaned from G.P.S. and other location services, and that users will be
tracked as they move around the Internet. Users also agree to give the
campaign access to the phone's Bluetooth connection, calendar, storage,
and microphone, as well as permission to read the contents of their
memory card, modify or delete the contents of the card, view the phone
status and identity, view its Wi-Fi connections, and prevent the phone
from going to sleep. These permissions give the Trump data operation
access to the intimate details of users' lives, the ability to listen
in on those lives, and to follow users everywhere they go. It's a
colossal -- and essentially free -- data-mining enterprise. As Woolley
and his colleague Jacob Gursky
wrote in MIT Technology Review, the Trump 2020 app is "a voter
surveillance tool of extraordinary power."
I learned this firsthand after downloading the Trump 2020 app on
a burner phone I bought in order to examine it, using an alias and a
new e-mail address. Two days later, the President sent me a note,
thanking me for joining his team. Lara Trump invited me (for a small
donation) to become a Presidential adviser. Eric Trump called me one
of his father's "FIERCEST supporters from the beginning." But the
messages I began getting from the Trump campaign every couple of
hours were sent not only to the name and address I'd used to access
the app. They were also sent to the e-mail address and name associated
with the credit card I'd used to buy the phone and its SIM card,
neither of which I had shared with the campaign. Despite my best
efforts, they knew who I was and where to reach me.
Eliza Barclay/David Roberts/Umair Irfan:
California's recurring wildfire problem, explained: "The state's
weather is becoming warmer and more volatile due to climate change.
And there are more people and buildings." I saw something in my
Facebook feed insisting that the fires were not related to climate
change, but it's hard to find much less believe articles claiming
that. (Indeed, searching added to the load of articles asserting
the link below.)
This one has a chart showing that wildfire frequency and
intensity has doubled due to climate change. This one also notes
the building boom in areas prone to fire. That certainly increases
the dollar cost of fires, just as building in flood and hurricane
surge zones does. Maybe that makes the economic costs of climate
change seem larger, but that's because they are.
Sarah Jeong:
The Battle of Portland: "How mass protests against racist police
brutality sparked a historic federal crackdown on dissent." Extensive
report.
The responsibility to de-escalate the conflict lay on the side that had
the guns, rather than the side that was hurling eggs by the carton. But
the feds were being directed by officials who were ranting at Congress
about violent anarchists and a president who was calling the dweebiest
city in America a "beehive of terrorists."
Fred Kaplan:
Is America in the early stages of armed insurgency? Counterinsurgency
strategist David Kilcullen thinks so. I think there is a lot of potential
for isolated violence from the right, certainly if Trump loses, perhaps
as likely if he wins. The big uncertainty is how Trump, Republicans, and
their propaganda network responds to the violence -- the full-throated
support given for Kyle Rittenhouse is chilling, even hard to imagine a
mere four years ago.
Aishvarya Kavi:
5 takeaways from Rage, Bob Woodward's new book about Trump:
Bob Woodward's second book on Trump drops on Sept. 15, so the press is
awash with publicity leaks. Like 2018's Fear, was based on personal
interviews, its title reduced to a four-letter word the subject can relate
to. This seems like the piece to start with. The big revelation appears
to be that Trump was able to speak knowledgeably and coherently about the
coronavirus threat in early February, at a time when he was downplaying
it publicly and doing nothing to reduce the threat. Many people blame
Woodward for not reporting what he knew at the time, suggesting the news
might have helped save lives. Of course, saving lives isn't Woodward's
idea of good journalism. Selling books is. Here are Kavi's 5 takeaways:
Mr. Trump minimized the risks of the coronavirus to the American
public early in the year.
Two of the president's top officials thought he was "dangerous"
and considered speaking out publicly. Jim Mattis and Dan Coats.
"Ultimately neither official spoke out."
Mr. Trump repeatedly denigrated the U.S. military and his top
generals.
When asked about the pain "Black people feel in this country,"
Mr. Trump was unable to express empathy.
Mr. Woodward gained insight into Mr. Trump's relationship with
the leaders of North Korea and Russia.
Offhand, I wouldn't rate any of these are breakthrough insights,
but that's about par for Woodward, who regularly gets too close to
his subjects to see them clearly. Other Rage pieces:
"I have built a nuclear -- a weapons systems that nobody's ever had
in this country before."
"I'm the only one he [Kim Jong-un] smiles with."
Joe Cirincione:
Why Trump's secret weapon isn't so secret and not much of a weapon.
As Trump put it: "I have built a nuclear -- a weapons system that nobody's
ever had in this country before. We have stuff you haven't even seen or
heard about. We have stuff that Putin and Xi have never heard about before.
There's nobody -- what we have is incredible." What is incredible is the
"thinking" of the bomb builders:
The weapon, the W76-2 warhead, is the brainchild of nuclear war fighters
who want to make nuclear weapons more usable. They fear that military and
political leaders are "self-deterred" from using nuclear weapons because
of the huge destruction they cause. Instead of a weapon that would destroy
all of New York, for example, they wanted a weapon that would destroy just
midtown. Instead of killing hundreds of thousands of civilians, a smaller
weapon would kill thousands. This, they believe, makes it more acceptable
and could break the nuclear taboo that has held for 75 years.
Robert Costa/Philip Rucker:
Woodward book: Trump says he knew coronavirus was 'deadly' and worse
than the flu while intentionally misleading Americans. Lots of
writers jumped on this point. Somewhere I should note that Obama knew
that the Great Recession was much worse than he let on, and that the
stimulus package he signed was far short of what was needed, but kept
up a charade of projecting confidence in the recovery, even after it
became clear that Republicans were trying to slag the economy to make
him look bad. So this notion that projecting confidence is part of
the president's job runs deeper than Trump's vanity. On the other
hand, if Trump really did understand the gravity of the pandemic
threat when Woodward quotes him, there is a lot he could have done
behind the scenes to better prepare, and when it did become public
how serious the pandemic was, he could have addressed it directly
and competently. He did neither of those things. Indeed, the only
data point that is out of line with our understanding that he has
been an utter moron at every step is Woodward's quote. I'll also
note that many knowledgeable people believe (erroneously, I think)
that confidence is an important factor in an economic recovery, no
one thinks that positive thoughts can ward off a pandemic. On the
other hand, I doubt that Trump ever worried about the pandemic per
sé; only about how it affected his reëlection chances. And in a
pinch, it shouldn't be surprising that he reverted to techniques
that had seen him through past crises -- mostly bankruptcies and
divorces (but then this was a guy who described avoiding STDs as
"his Vietnam").
First of all, Bob Woodward sitting on information about presidential
lies until he has a book to promote is . . . well it's the difference
between being a hungry reporter in 1973 and a palace courtier in 2020.
One of the most disturbing revelations in Rage, which hasn't
gotten enough attention, is how seriously Mattis feared a nuclear
confrontation with North Korea. Mattis was so worried, Borger writes,
that he "took to sleeping in his gym clothes and having a flashing
light and bell installed in his bathroom in case a missile alert
happened when he was in the shower."
Mattis, discussing that possibility, told Woodward, "You're going
to incinerate a couple million people. No person has the right to kill
a million people, as far as I'm concerned. Yet that's what I have to
confront."
Joan Didion, in a scathing review of Woodward's account of the 1996
presidential race, referred to Woodward's method as a "scrupulous passivity"
that results in "political pornography" -- an apt description of Fear.
Trump's lawlessness barely factored into Woodward's account. . . .
In Rage, however, he arrives at a very un-Woodwardy place: "I
can only reach one conclusion: Trump is the wrong man for the job." It is,
by far, the most damning portrait of a sitting president that Woodward has
delivered in a long, long time.
Criticizing Woodward is fair game, always. But a different criticism
has taken hold, that Woodward harmed public health and the national
interest by failing to report on his conversations with Trump sooner. . . .
Woodward is no one's idea of a public interest journalist, but the
notion that he played a significant role in the pandemic by not publishing
his interview sooner simply doesn't track. The fact that the president was
intentionally downplaying the danger of Covid-19 was both apparent and well
documented in the spring; Trump himself admitted that he was privileging
politics over public health. If Woodward had published this information
in February (or May, when he says he confirmed it), would it have made a
difference in fighting the virus? Back then, the president's unscientific
approach and general dismissiveness was the story. Indeed, there
are compelling reasons to believe that this information is more powerful
now, with the election around the corner.
Nicholas Kristof:
'We're no. 28! And dropping!': "A measure of social progress finds
that the quality of life has dropped in America over the last decade,
even as it has risen almost everywhere else."
The newest Social Progress Index, shared with me before its official
release Thursday morning, finds that out of 163 countries assessed
worldwide, the United States, Brazil and Hungary are the only ones
in which people are worse off than when the index began in 2011. And
the declines in Brazil and Hungary were smaller than America's.
"The data paint an alarming picture of the state of our nation,
and we hope it will be a call to action," Michael Porter, a Harvard
Business School professor and the chair of the advisory panel for
the Social Progress Index, told me. "It's like we're a developing
country."
The index, inspired by research of Nobel-winning economists,
collects 50 metrics of well-being -- nutrition, safety, freedom,
the environment, health, education and more -- to measure quality
of life. Norway comes out on top in the 2020 edition, followed by
Denmark, Finland and New Zealand. South Sudan is at the bottom,
with Chad, Central African Republic and Eritrea just behind.
What Brazil and Hungary have in common with the US is far-right
government. That they've suffered a bit less than the US is probably
because those far-right governments have been hegemonic for shorter
times: the US has been controlled by conservative Republicans (and
the occasional ineffective neoliberal Democrat) since 1980, so
inequality has progressed further, especially in eating into the
social fabric. Porter is wrong to say the US is like "a developing
country." Developing countries are developing -- making progress,
even if fitfully. The US is a devolving country, its industries
devoured by predatory capitalists, its workers marginalized, its
society wracked by fear and loathing. It's still in the top quarter
of the list, because it was once on top, but declining steadily --
maybe never to the point of the bottom rung, of countries that
aren't even developing. They are mired in war, which is even more
corrosive than private equity. On the other hand, the right's
fascination with guns and private militias suggests that too
could befall us.
Trump's coronavirus response was beyond incompetent: "He wasn't
oblivious to the danger. He just didn't care." Could file
this under the many Woodward responses, as that book provided the
evidence leading Krugman to elevate his view of Trump culpability
from "basically negligence" to "immoral, bordering on criminal."
Claire Lampen:
The Justice Department is reportedly trying to shield Trump from a rape
lawsuit. E Jean Carroll claims that Trump raped her in a department
store dressing room 25 years ago. She sued Trump for libel, and a court
ordered him to provide a DNA sample and deposition. The DOJ intervention
has stopped the case, at least for now.
The conservative case for organized labor: Interview with Oren Cass,
a former Mitt Romney adviser who runs the think tank American Compass.
Occasionally you run across Republican operatives who think that the
Party needs to provide some economic aid for its working class voters,
but those aren't the conservative ideologues who control the party. On
the other hand, I don't see labor leaders abandoning their agenda to use
government to extend worker rights -- unlike Samuel Gompers, who before
the New Deal opposed laws regulating things like child labor because he
felt they disincentivized workers from joining his union. One can imagine
a few conservatives accepting unions as preferale to government regulation,
but only the most elite-oriented unions are willing to overlook masses of
non-union workers dragging the labor market down. And most conservatives
are so invested in the notion that owners should wield absolute power that
they're unwilling to consider any kind of power-sharing arrangement.
Also note:
Steven Greenhouse:
Anti-union progressives: "a number of institutions that proclaim
themselves committed to social justice and enlightenment won't let
their employees unionize."
The GOP is no longer the pro-business party. Levitz is one of New
York most dependable left-wing writers, so he's on a rather strange
kick now. But sure, business has actually done much better with Democratic
presidents than with Republican ones. Clinton was especially proud of that
fact, and that's probably why they feel so good about raking in all those
lucrative speaking deals. It's also true that Obama, Hillary Clinton, and
now Biden have been raising more money than their Republican opponents.
On the other hand, Republicans still have a lot of business support,
especially in old, reactionary and/or predatory industries, especially
among capitalists who are more focused on power than wealth.
To be sure, Trump has done a great deal to benefit corporate America's
incumbent executives, especially those looking to maximize their own
wealth in the run-up to retirement. Through his regressive-tax cuts and
deregulatory measures, the president has saved major U.S. firms and their
shareholders a bundle. The nation's six largest banks alone have pocketed
$32 billion as a consequence of Trump's policies. And for America's most
socially irresponsible enterprises, this administration has been a true
godsend. Since taking power, the Trump White House has, among other things,
expanded the liberty of coal companies to dump mining waste in streams,
pushed to preserve the rights of retirement advisers to gamble with their
clients' money, freed employers from the burden of logging all workplace
injuries, and ended discrimination against serial labor-law violators in
the bidding process for government contracts.
But the Republican Party is too corrupted by rentier and extractive
industries -- and too besotted with conservative economic orthodoxy --
to advance the long-term best interests of American capital. . . .
Contra ruling-class reactionaries' self-flattering dogmas, private
enterprise is -- and always has been -- reliant on competent statecraft.
Conservatives recognize capital's reliance on "big government" in the
realm of military defense. But in the Anthropocene, emergent diseases
and climate change pose at least as large a threat to capital accumulation
as any hostile foreign power. Meanwhile, in a globalized economy beset by
chronic shortfalls of demand and periodic financial shocks, the GOP's
resilient skepticism about economic stimulus renders the party an uncertain
friend to corporate America in its times of need. Granted, the party has
largely fulfilled its duty to reflate asset prices and shore up credit
markets this year. But the strength of the recovery (such as it is) is at
least partly attributable to policies that originated with Democrats, and
which the GOP accepted only grudgingly in March and has since refused to
renew. As is, there is every reason to think that American businesses
(especially small ones) would be better off if Pelosi's caucus could set
fiscal policy by fiat.
Martin Longman:
We can't endure much more bad leadership. He starts with some examples
of how little decisions by leaders add up, for some reason starting with
Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky and tracing from there through 9/11 and
the Global War on Terror -- things which indeed reflect bad leadership
but really have more proximate causes. Trump gets several mentions later
on, but his real example is SD governor Kristi Noem's decision not to
cancel the annual motorcycle rally in Sturgis. The result:
Nineteen percent of the 1.4 million new coronavirus cases in the U.S.
between Aug. 2 and Sept. 2 can be traced back to the Sturgis Motorcycle
Rally held in South Dakota, according to researchers from San Diego
State University's Center for Health Economics & Policy Studies.
That's more than 266,000 cases, with a public health cost of $12.2
billion. As for Trump, he's not just a bad leader in the sense that
Clinton, the Bushes, and even Obama were -- by following conventional
political "wisdom" into one cul de sac after another. He's bad on an
absolutely cosmic scale. He's seeded the government with mini-versions
of himself: pompous, arrogant, corrupt, vain, and stupid, and led them
to believe that they are protected from legal and political consequences
(even though he's ultimately had to fire many of them). One can imagine
an inept leader surviving on the competencies of his staff, but Trump
precluded that possibility both through his staffing -- sure, Pence
was responsible for most of them, but over time Trump has managed to
weed out most of the ones who weren't sufficiently sycophantic (or for
that matter psycho) -- but also by insisting that nothing is real but
in terms of its us-vs-them political impact. Trump's instinct was to
look only at the political implications of coronavirus, to see how he
could use it as a tool of divide and conquer. As such, he inevitably
politicized things like mask wearing that most leaders would have taken
pains to depoliticize. Longman stresses that many times he's argued
that we need better leaders. What's more clear is that we need less
bad leaders -- leaders who can put aside their political angles when
the events dictate otherwise. However, Trump has gone way beyond such
concepts as good and not bad. The problem with Trump's leadership is
not just that it's bad; it's that he's so embarrassingly incompetent
he's a distraction from everything.
How Trump let Covid-19 win: "Trump's magical thinking couldn't beat
the coronavirus. America is stuck with the consequences."
Bruno Maçăes:
How fantasy triumphed over reality in American politics. Author
has a new book, History Has Begun: The Birth of a New America,
from which this is adapted. He is stuck with the idea of a "new world
order," and flat out declares "the proposition that the whole planet
is on a course to embrace Western liberalism is no longer credible,"
but doesn't seem to have any better suggestions. He is right that in
voting for Reagan in 1980 America turned away from the limits of the
real world and decided to live in a fantasy -- one that's become
progressively desperate as evidenced by Trump's "make America great
again."
Amanda Marcotte:
Trump, you're no FDR or Winston Churchill -- but you're a lot like
Charles Lindbergh: "Trump defends coronavirus lies to comparing
himself to wartime leaders -- but he's closer to the Nazi apologists."
This doesn't mention Nick Adams's recent book, Trump and Churchill:
Defenders of Western Civilization, which is ridiculous enough (on
both counts) to need no review, nor does it mention Fred Trump's
attachment to Lindbergh's "America First" movement (although it does
note Donald Trump's use of the slogan and penchant for evoking fascist
memes).
Perhaps the difference between the two men is that Lindbergh, as
despicable a person as he may have been, became famous for doing
something that required courage, intelligence and skill, which was
to become the first person to fly an airplane across the Atlantic
Ocean.
Trump, on the other hand, has spent his life bouncing from one
failed venture to another, cheating and grifting to create the
illusion of enormous wealth and great success. And so while Lindbergh
eventually had to concede reality, Trump will never quit believing
he can flim-flam his way through this crisis, no matter how many
corpses pile up in his wake.
Media Matters: This group watches Fox News so you don't have
to. I'm convinced that nothing affects politics more these days than
Fox's hermetically sealed alternate universe. I saw Matt Taibbi complain
recently that MSNBC is "even more partisan" than Fox, and that nearly
everyone who says they trust the New York Times for news identifies as
a Democrat, but the latter at least doesn't try to lock their readers
in a bubble of misinformation. (I watch so little MSNBC I can't really
speak of them.) Some recent headlines give you a taste both of what
Trump says and (more importantly) what he hears:
The rallies are a salve for the Tinkerbell syndrome that afflicts the
president. He is first a showman, and his connection with an audience
is life-sustaining -- a source of dopamine and a form of catharsis more
powerful than any grenade-throwing exercise of a tweet. And they provide
him with a sort of spiritual poll: a sense of how things are going, based
on his animalistic crowd-aura-reading abilities.
On the other hand, you have to wonder about the quality of feedback
he's getting from the small minority of Americans who adore him enough
to risk their lives to gratify his ego.
Listening to him, it can sound like he's been unable to make sense of
what has happened in America under his watch.
"This is the most important election in the history of our country.
I wouldn't say that lightly," he said. "And frankly, I thought the last
one was, and I said it, but they've gone to a level that nobody even
thought possible. These people have gotten stone-cold crazy."
Beneath the dreary furor of the partisan wars, most Americans agree
on fundamental issues facing the country. Large majorities say that
government should ensure some form of universal health care, that it
should do more to mitigate global warming, that the rich should pay
higher taxes, that racial inequality is a significant problem, that
workers should have the right to join unions, that immigrants are a
good thing for American life, that the federal government is plagued
by corruption. These majorities have remained strong for years. The
readiness, the demand for action, is new.
What explains it? Nearly four years of a corrupt, bigoted, and
inept president who betrayed his promise to champion ordinary Americans.
The arrival of an influential new generation, the Millennials, who grew
up with failed wars, weakened institutions, and blighted economic
prospects, making them both more cynical and more utopian than their
parents. Collective ills that go untreated year after year, so bone-deep
and chronic that we assume they're permanent -- from income inequality,
feckless government, and police abuse to a shredded social fabric and a
poisonous public discourse that verges on national cognitive decline.
Then, this year, a series of crises that seemed to come out of nowhere,
like a flurry of sucker punches, but that arose straight from those ills
and exposed the failures of American society to the world.
Trump uses Fox News interview to accuse Biden of taking drugs.
Sez Trump: "That's what I hear. I mean, there's possibly drugs. I
don't know how you can go from being so bad where you can't even
get out a sentence . . ." Article continues: "Trump did not finish
his own sentence."
Why Mike Bloomberg plans to spend $100 million boosting Biden in
Florida. Nothing to get excited about here -- no one has done more
to discredit the idea of money's ability to influence elections than
Bloomberg, but the main thing his spending couldn't overcome was the
inherent weakness of the messenger. On the other hand, one could argue
that his spending was very effective at getting people to vote for Joe
Biden, who not only handily beat Bloomberg but won a bunch of states
he didn't seriously campaign in. Florida was one of those states --
a particularly important one. Personally, I have no faith Florida will
ever do the right thing, but it offers Bloomberg an opportunity to
earn some favors with Biden. One thing about Bloomberg is that his
motives are pretty transparent: he hates the left much more than he's
bothered by the Republicans, and sees centrist Democrats as a much
more effective prophylactic against popular revolt threatening his
class privileges. If billionaires like Bloomberg can't deliver the
presidency to Biden, their future in the Democratic Party will be
as tarnished as Hillary Clinton's. Also see: Dexter Filkins:
Who gets to vote in Florida? One reason Florida disappoints so
often is that Republican jiggering of the election process there
is often decisive. While there is little doubt that Republicans will
try to cheat everywhere they can this year, North Carolina, Georgia,
Wisconsin, and (of course) Florida are exceptionally vulnerable.
Lili Pike:
China has quietly vaccinated more than 100,000 people for Covid-19
before completing safety trials. China was the first nation hit
by Covid-19, and from that point seemed (to me, at least) likely to
be the first nation to get a grip on the disease, possibly gaining
some sort of strategic advantage vs. other countries (especially
given the US obsession with "intellectual property" rents). Looking
back, China was remarkably effective at containing the virus, with
per capita infection rates so low one wonders if they've fudged the
numbers. But also, unlike the US, the Chinese government retains
the ability and will to direct private industry to further public
goals, so they can pursue things like vaccine development much more
aggressively than others can. Also, given their closed political
system, they have little motivation to publicize developments before
they are known to work -- compare to Trump's promises on a vaccine
before the end of the year, or his touting of a plasma treatment
that hadn't been cleared. So it's not a surprise that China seems
to have jumped into the lead on vaccine development -- just news.
Also, this should give you pause when thinking about Trump's plans
for an "America first" vaccine controlled by corporate behemoths.
From its inception, Covid-19 was a world pandemic, which demanded
full international cooperation. Trump has repeatedly sabotaged
that, and the US has suffered a lot as a result, and we're likely
to suffer even more.
Nathan J Robinson:
The case for degrowth: When the shutdowns happened back in March,
a friend asked whether they would force us to start thinking about
degrowth. The concept has been floating around for a while. Indeed,
it's almost inevitable once you consider the impossibility of infinite
economic growth, but it also builds on critiques of GDP -- turns out
that measuring all economic activity fails to recognize any difference
in value between activities (like building a house, or blowing one up
and having to build another -- the latter produces more GDP, but one
less house). Robinson reviews Jason Hickel's new book: Less Is More:
How Degrowth Will Save the World, and also spend considerable time
with Mariana Mazzucato's The Value of Everything.
Robert J Samuelson:
Goodbye, readers, and good luck -- you'll need it: "What 50 years
of writing about economics has taught me." Not much. He's been a hedgehog,
his one big idea that inflation is bad. I read his book, The Great
Inflation and Its Aftermath, where he insisted that the inflation
of the 1970s was even worse than the depression of the 1930s. My parents
lived through both, and while they may have been luckier than some in
the 1970s, their view was the exact opposite. Perhaps because they learned
to avoid debt and save in the 1930s they saw nothing but benefits from
the 1970s: their costs were manageable (no debt, not even a mortgage),
my father's wages grew substantially (thank God for unions), and their
savings reaped pretty high interest (without having to become criminals).
Samuelson's last piece before this one was
Don't forget about inflation. I thought about complaining about
it at the time but didn't, so when I saw this one, I figured I'd
best get my last word in. I was pointed to this one by Alex Pareene,
who tweeted: "this guy sucks and in incalculable but significant ways
has made the future worse for all of us with his bad ideas and arguments
dating back decades." Pareene also referred me to Brad DeLong:
Carbon blogging/Robert J Samuelson is a bad person.
Jeff Satterwhite:
The right-wing worldview is one of scarecrows and scapegoats.
Argues that conservatives obsess over three "scarecrows": They will
take out safety; They will take our liberty; They will
take our culture. He doesn't offer a list of "scapegoats";
presumably they is all you need to know.
Jon Schwarz:
3,000 dead on 9/11 meant everything. 200,000 dead of Covid-19 means
nothing. Here's why. "To America's leaders, our lives have value
only insofar as they can be used to create a desired panic." Schwarz
gives a number of examples of what were called cassus belli events --
excuses for launching wars. He mentions, for instance, the "Tonkin
Gulf Incident" where US ships were fired on by North Vietnamese, but
no one was injured. He doesn't mention Israel's sinking of a US ship
during the 1968 Six Day War, where all Americans on board perished,
but that wasn't a cassus belli, because the US had no desire to fight
Israel.
Bush wanted a pretext to do a lot of things that were unnecessary,
while Trump wanted an excuse to do nothing when, in fact, a lot
really needed to be done.
Surveying the protests, Trump saw a path to victory in Nixon's footsteps:
The uprisings of 2020 could rescue him from his catastrophic mishandling
of the coronavirus pandemic. The president leaned into his own "law and
order" message. He lashed out against "thugs" and "terrorists," warning
that "when the looting starts, the shooting starts." Ahead of what was
to be his comeback rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in June, Trump tweeted, "Any
protesters, anarchists, agitators, looters or lowlifes who are going to
Oklahoma please understand, you will not be treated like you have been
in New York, Seattle, or Minneapolis" -- making no distinction between
those protesting peacefully and those who might engage in violence.
In this, Trump was returning to a familiar playbook. He was relying
on the chaos of the protests to produce the kind of racist backlash that
he had ridden to the presidency in 2016. Trump had blamed the 2014 protests
in Ferguson, Missouri -- a response to the shooting of Michael Brown by
a police officer -- on Barack Obama's indulgence of criminality. "With
our weak leadership in Washington, you can expect Ferguson type riots
and looting in other places," Trump predicted in 2014. As president, he
saw such uprisings as deliverance.
Then something happened that Trump did not foresee. It didn't work.
Trump was elected president on a promise to restore an idealized past
in which America's traditional aristocracy of race was unquestioned. But
rather than restore that aristocracy, four years of catastrophe have -- at
least for the moment -- discredited it.
Christianna Silva/James Doubek:
Fascism scholas says US is 'losing its democratic status': Interview
with Jason Stanley, author of How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us
and Them. I've read that book and think it's pretty good, finding
a middle ground between accounts which take a overly strict historical
definition (like Robert Paxton's The Anatomy of Fascism) and
leftists (like myself) who instantly smell fascism in every form of
right-wing reaction. The NPR article links to Elias Bures:
Don't call Donald Trump a fascist, which reviews Stanley's book and
others (including one of Dinesh D'Souza's most ridiculous ones, accusing
the left of fascism -- a trope Jonah Goldberg beat to death in Liberal
Fascism). I think it depends a lot of who you're talking to. Many of
us older folk on the left have a deep understanding of fascism, which
provides a ready framework for recognizing much of what Trump and other
conservatives say and do. Moreover, some Trump artifacts (like his ads
where all the "bad guys" are Jews) echo fascist memes much too closely
for comfort. On the other hand, more (mostly younger) people don't, in
which case this quickly devolves to name-calling (which is all it ever
was to Goldberg and D'Souza). Were I to construct a 0-10 F-Scale for
how fascist politicians are, I'd peg Reagan and the Bushes in the 3-5
range, and Trump more like 7-8: too low to be a precise definition,
but high enough one can't help but think about it. For a taste, here
are some recent links that use the F-word:
Stephen F Eisenman/Sue Coe:
Scoring Fascism: Offers 11 questions, scored 1-5 points. FWIW, I'd
score Trump at: 2-1-1-2-4-3-2-1-5-2-2 = 25, which falls in the "quite
fascist" range. If Trump had more power, or was more competent at wielding
the power his office has, he'd rate higher, as most of the categories
are things he'd like to do. Also note that the bottom rung of scoring,
5-10, is "just another asshole." You can be an asshole without being
a fascist. That category is reserved for a special kind of asshole.
Phillip Smith:
Oregon is on the cusp of a major drug reform: Decriminalizing everything.
It's likely that the number of states where marijuana is legal will increase
this year, as it has nearly every election since Colorado voters approved.
It's an easy call, given that it's arguably more benign than already legal
alcohol and tobacco. Other drugs are a harder call, but prohibition hasn't
worked any better with them than it did with alcohol or marijuana. I would
go further than this proposal, but it's still much better than any state
has yet done.
Roger Sollenberger:
Tucker Carlson: "If we're going to survive as a country, we must defeat"
Black Lives Matter: Excuse me, but what the fuck does this mean?
What can "defeat" possibly mean? Arrest all the leaders and supporters
of BLM? Wouldn't that just incite more people to pick up the struggle?
What about anyone who even sympathizes with the notion that black people
deserve the same rights and respect enjoyed by whites? Even if somehow
you managed to do that, what kind of country would you have left? One
with more people in jail than out? One the rest of the world -- which in
case you haven't noticed is mostly non-white -- regards as an unspeakably
vile rogue nation? Or maybe Carlson would be satisfied just to acquit all
the cops who kill unarmed blacks, and beat back every effort to "defund"
or otherwise reform the police? Wouldn't that just make BLM seem more
important and more necessary than ever? The only way movements rooted
in a fundamental quest for justice go away is when they achieve all or
at least a significant chunk of their goals. Racist rants, even from
perches like Fox News, just add to the conviction that movements like
BLM are necessary.
Emily Stewart:
Give everybody the internet. I agree, and would go a bit further. We
also need public options to compete against all of the major commercial
aps on the internet.
Sky Palma:
Trump campaign ad misspells "Nobel" -- while touting Trump's nomination
for the peace prize. Given that all a nomination took was one idiot
with connections, this hardly seems like something to brag about. On
the other hand, this does remind one of the structural divide between
Republicans and Democrats on war and peace. Obama was embarrassed when
he was given the prize, not because he hadn't done anything to deserve
it (other than give a speech against Bush invading Iraq back when he was
an Illinois state legislator), but because he was Commander-in-Chief in
two active wars (Iraq and Afghanistan) and in a dozen or more obscure
conflicts (including the still-unsettled 1950 Korean War), and he was
afraid the Nobel Peace Prize would make him look weak. As a Republican,
Trump never has to worry about appearing weak (or, evidently, crazy).
He can even point to the first American (Republican) president to win
the Nobel, Theodore Roosevelt, who championed the Spanish-American War
in 1898 and US entry into World War I, in between practicing "Gunboat
Diplomacy" in Central and South America. Roosevelt got the prize for
settling the 1905 Russo-Japanese War -- a good deed, but one that
greatly favored his friends in Japan. For more, see Steve M:
Racist serial nominator nominates Trump for a Nobel Prize.
Federal report warns of financial disaster of climate change:
It's about time for the party of oligarchy to own up to the fact that the
rich have much more to lose to climate change than the middling or poor.
For starters, who owns all that oceanfront property about to drown? (This
article puts the value of such property at
$1 trillion.) This report comes from the CFTC (Commodity Futures Trading
Commission), which mostly deals in agricultural produce (well, it mostly deals
in money, but speculating about agricultural produce). Right now, agriculture
has been finely tuned to produce the most profitable crops any given area
can, but a changing climate will wreck all that optimization.
Alex Shephard:
Why doesn't Michael Cohen get to be an anti-Trump crusader? "The
drive to find the perfect contrast to Trump's selfishness and cowardice
overlooks the fact that the clearest indictments of the president often
come from people who resemble him."
Astra Taylor:
The end of the university: "The pandemic should force America to
remake higher education."
Benjamin Wallace-Wells:
How Trump could win: "The President consistently trails Joe Biden in
polls, but political strategists from both parties suggest that he still
has routes to reëlection." On the one hand, they're fucking with you.
On the other, we have so little faith in our fellow voters, in the media
that feeds them misinformation, and in the arcane system they have to
navigate in order to vote, that we're full of doubts, and the fear of
getting this wrong can be all-consuming.
Trump loves sanctioning foreign countries -- but he's terrible at it.
There is a chart here of "new additions to OFAC sanctions lists by year."
Trump's totals are { 695, 944, 1474, 792 }. The only other year that came
close to Trump's first year was 2004 (719). Major sections here explore
Trump sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and Venezuela. Nothing on Russia,
the other major target of US sanctions -- without a coherent strategy,
it's hard to tell whether tactics are working.
The two Joe Bidens: "One talks of an 'FDR-size presidency,' the
other works to calm Wall Street nerves. Which one will create the
post-pandemic future?" The one that gets elected? Otherwise, do we
even have a future?
America's callous indifference to death: "The Covid-19 pandemic serves
as a reminder that even in an election year, our politics are ideologically
predisposed to a malign neglect."
Just two years ago, a hurricane in Puerto Rico killed at least as many
people as died on 9/11, and our government's response was pathetic. The
help provided has never come close to matching the need: As of July, the
"first major program to rebuild houses hasn't completed a single one even
though tens of thousands of homes still have damaged roofs nearly three
years after Maria," according to NBC. Such neglect might be familiar to
people in North Carolina or Texas, where people who had not yet recovered
from one hurricane were upended again by another just a year or two later.
The implication here is that government responded to 9/11 but not
to "natural" disasters. True that victims of 9/11 received relatively
generous compensation, but the overwhelming majority of what was spent
following 9/11 did its victims no good whatsoever, and most of it
created further problems -- even the toll of American soldiers killed
in the subsequent wars far exceeded the number killed by terrorists,
and the money spent, which gained us nothing, could have been put to
good use at home. Politicians respond to deaths when it suits them,
in ways that suit them.
Joshua Yaffa:
Is Russian meddling as dangerous as we think? "The spectre of foreign
manipulation looms over the coming election. But in focusing on the tactics
of the aggressors we overlook out weaknesses as victims."
Jia Lynn Yang:
Are we more divided now than ever before? Review of James A Morone's
new book, Republic of Wrath: How American Politics Turned Tribal,
From George Washington to Donald Trump. The two-party system has
always been tribal, and always polarizing, but what's happened recently
is that since 1980 the division has become increasingly right vs left.
Before it was not uncommon to see greater diversity within a major party
than between presidential candidates, but that started to change in 1980
when conservatives took over the Republican Party and won the presidency,
using that success to sweep up all conservatives among Democrats. That
was a winning formula for a while, but eventually turned GOP moderates
into Democrats, and pushed the Democratic Party leftward (although so
far you cannot say the left has come close to capturing the Democratic
Party).
Sahil Kapur: It is remarkable how thoroughly "repeal and
replace Obamacare" has been exposed as a policy mirage, after hundreds
of millions of dollars poured into an assault that shaped countless
elections and helped define U.S. politics in the 2010s.
Mike Konczal: A bugaboo of mine: there is no noteworthy
insider-access or policy-friendly conservative reporting, research,
or books on why this collapsed in 2017. There's no Jacob S Hacker's
Road to Nowhere[: The Genesis of President Clinton's Plan for
Health Security] equivalent. Just nothing.
There are dozens of reports on why cap-and-trade failed in 2010,
marquee ones that break into schools of thought of where to go next.
It's just silence on the Right. The two major recent initiatives,
Social Security privatization and ACA repeal, gone as if they never
existed.
The video will be posted to my Vimeo page and available for
download by anyone who wants it.
That's the goal - we want writers, artists, thinkers, people of
all disciplines and representing every pocket of society to use this
material as a vehicle to talk about their town.
It's time for the rebellion and retaking at Attica prison to be
reconsidered through the lens of the modern abolitionist movement.
It's time for more people to have their say on this brutal event.
It's time for New York to stop hiding this evidence.
Mike also has a
Facebook page on the archive and his movie based on the archive,
Surrender Peacefully: The Attica Massacre, with a link to the
trailer.
Another week that started slow but hit 33 records Sunday evening,
before I realized I was going to take an extra day. Spent that extra
time listening to bassist
Gary Peacock,
who died last week (85). Wikipedia credits him with a dozen albums as
a leader. Discogs expands that list to 69, picking up collaborations
with his name further down the artist line. Including side credits,
Wikipedia winds up at 98. He started 1958 with Bud Shank, with Bill
Evans in 1963, and on two landmark 1964 albums: Tony Williams'
Life Time and Albert Ayler's Spiritual Unity. He
recorded 10 albums with Paul Bley (mostly after Bley married his
wife, Annette), and 22 with Keith Jarrett's Standards Trio. His
most impressive album as a leader was probably Tales of Another
(1977), with Jarrett and Jack DeJohnette, well before Standards
(1983). Ethan Iverson tweeted that he thought Mr. Joy was a
masterpiece. I checked it out, under far from ideal circumstances,
and concur.
Running into technical problems with Napster, which may mean I need
to consider a new streaming provider. I have two computers, and Napster
is behaving badly on the new one: search and selection are very slow,
actually streaming music virtually impossible. Rebooting offers a
temporary workaround. On the other hand, the older computer plays it
fine, but the speakers have some unexplained static. Haven't spent any
serious time debugging this, but it's one reason I spent more time on
Bandcamp this week.
Dua Lipa & the Blessed Madonna: Club Future Nostalgia (2020, Warner): [r]: B+(***)
Meridian Brothers: Cumbia Siglo XXI (2020, Bongo Joe): [bc]: B+(***)
Vee Mukarati: Vital Signs (2020, Primrose, EP): [r]: B+(*)
No Joy: Motherhood (2020, Joyful Noise): [r]: B+(*)
Zephaniah OHora: Listening to the Music (2020, Last Roundup): [r]: A-
Okuden Quartet [Mat Walerian/Matthew Shipp/William Parker/Hamid Drake]: Every Dog Has His Day but It Doesn't Matter Because Fat Cat Is Getting Fatter (ESP-Disk, 2D): [cd]: A-
Old 97's: Twelfth (2020, ATO): [r]: B+(***)
Angel Olsen: Whole New Mess (2020, Jagjaguwar): [r]: B
Ryan Porter & the West Coast Get Down: Live in Paris at New Morning (2020, World Galaxy): [r]: B+(***)
PVRIS: Use Me (2020, Warner): [r]: B
Dan Rosenboom: Points on an Infinite Line (2020, Orenda): [r]: B+(**)
Sara Schoenbeck/Wayne Horvitz: Cell Walk (2020, Songlines): [r]: B
Wayne Shorter: Adam's Apple (1967 [1987], Blue Note): [r]: [was: B] B+(***)
Unpacking: Found in the mail last week:
Kaze & Ikue Mori: Sand Storm (Libra) [09-18]
Jacám Manricks: Samadhi (Manricks Music)
Okuden Quartet [Mat Walerian/Matthew Shipp/William Parker/Hamid Drake]: Every Dog Has His Day but It Doesn't Matter Because Fat Cat Is Getting Fatter (ESP-Disk, 2CD)
Nearly everything here was complete late Sunday night, but I was
having trouble framing the comics, and felt the need to write a bit
of introduction, so I decided to sleep on it. Found the Trump tweet
and the Carter quote after I got up. Added a couple links while
wrapping up, but all articles that date from Sunday or earlier.
I managed to find a few pieces on the late David Graeber, but none
yet on
Kevin Zeese, a lawyer and (like Graeber) another prominent Occupy
figure, who died suddenly on Sunday. Music Week will probably be
delayed a day this week. These delays weren't planned, but happy
Labor Day.
Here are a pair of New Yorker cartoons that go a long ways
toward illustrating and explaining the cognitive disconnect between
Republicans and Democrats these days. The third was posted by Mary
Anne Trump (her caption), and picked up from a friendly Facebook
feed:
Having family and friends in the Portland area, I've seen numerous
contrasting pictures like this, which makes the news media fixation
on fires and looting seem all the more anomalous. I wrote a comment
under the latter picture:
What terrifies Republicans isn't chaos, which they think they can
bludgeon into submission, but the prospect of diverse people living
together and enjoying richer and more rewarding lives as a result.
Why they find this threatening has never been clear to me. In my
experience, and I come from a long line of farmers and small town
folk, when given a welcoming opportunity, most actually enjoy
themselves.
I suppose I may sound condescending or patronizing, but I started
narrow-minded and provincial and made my own way into and around the
cosmopolitan world, often finding open doors and welcoming faces --
a tendency toward kindness which my old world actually prided itself
on. I won't deny that cosmopolitans have their own prejudices, which
may appear as hostile but more often sympathetic. It's as easy to
find liberals who accept the idea that their opposites are clinging
to a way of life threatened by the modern world. I don't think that
is true. At any rate, I don't see the gap as unbridgeable, although
one needs to reject the political incentives that drive us apart.
And while both sides have attempted to make hay by appealing to the
prejudices of their bases, as we see above, it's the Republicans
who have most gravely distorted reality.
One more clause I wish to draw your attention to is "they think
they can bludgeon into submission." It doesn't work like that. The
world we live in is so complex and interconnected that the only way
we can manage it is through massive cooperation, which depends on
good faith and respect, which depends on justice for all. No people
submits forever, but all people can join together in an order which
is universally viewed as fair and just. Might doesn't make right, and
the more brutally and viciously it is employed, the more resistance
it generates, the more harm it winds up doing to all concerned. I
could cite hundreds of examples. I doubt I could find an exception.
Even seemingly complete domination either perpetuates indefinitely
(e.g., Israel over Palestine) or ends with integration (America and
the Indians, albeit imperfectly).
I'll add one more related point to this: there has been much talk
recently about democracy ending in America, but note that such an end
would not ensure that the immediate victors will stay in power and
enjoy their privileges indefinitely. It merely means that change can
only occur through violence, at great collateral cost. As I recall,
Winston Churchill used to say "democracy is the worst possible form
of government, except for all the rest." What he meant was that while
he didn't like having to submit to the will of the people, he preferred
that to losing his head (the pre-democratic method of disposing of
unwanted monarchs). The British people regularly grew tired of Churchill
and voted him out, only to vote him in again as their memories faded.
Democracy in America has worn thin and ragged over recent decades,
with most of the blame due to the influx of money -- something both
parties bear responsibility for, but only the Republicans defend the
practice as a class prerogative, and Republicans have made the most
conspicuous efforts to tilt the table in their favor, exploiting the
unequal representation locked into the Constitution, and using their
legislative clout to further gerrymander districts. And this year,
Trump has created doubts about the integrity of the voting process,
such that neither side is likely to believe the count, no matter
what it is.
One thing you won't see much of below is reports on polls and
other voting irregularities. Partly because there is a lot of
wild-eyed speculation going on, but mostly because I have little
faith that anything we say now will have any predictive significance
for November. One thing that was interesting was that the contested
Massachusetts Democratic primary brought out an unprecedented huge
vote for a primary. That is one data point suggesting that the
November vote won't be significantly suppressed by the pandemic.
Got up this morning and first thing I read was this paragraph
from Zachary D Carter: The Price of Peace: Money, Democracy,
and the Life of John Maynard Keynes, which does a nice job
of framing what I wrote above:
Keynes had crafted an innovative philosophical cocktail. Like Burke,
he feared revolution and social upheaval. Like Karl Marx, he
envisioned a great crisis on the horizons for capitalism. And like
Lenin, he believed that the imperialist world order had reached its
final limits. But alone among these thinkers, Keynes believed all
that was needed to solve the crisis was a little goodwill and
cooperation. The calamity he foresaw in 1919 was not something
inevitable, hardwired into the fundamental logic of economics,
capitalism, or humanity. It was merely a political failure, one that
could be overcome with the right leadership. Whereas Marx had called
for revolution against a broken, irrational capitalist order, Keynes
was content to denounce the leaders at Versailles and called for
treaty revisions. As with Burke, it was revolution itself that Keynes
hoped to avert. But he was optimistic, blaming capitalist instability
and inequality as the fuel for social upheaval rather than
democracy.
I took a shine to Marxism back in the late 1960s, but gave up on
it by the mid-1970s, not because I changed my mind but because the
insights I had gained there had become second nature, while I lost
anything more than a passing commitment to the political program.
I moved from opposition to one specific war (Vietnam) to a general
pacifism, and I increasingly appreciated the value of incremental
reforms versus sharp breaks. I became more tolerant, which is not
to say uncritical, of liberals, and I found much that I actually
liked in Keynes. (Robert Skidelsky's 2009 book, Keynes: The
Return of the Master, offered a good introduction.) He sought
to resolve conflicts by arguing ideas, and he retained a radical
understanding of the good life which has eluded most economists --
so much so that they refer to their trade as "the dismal science."
The quote above was in the section discussing his book, The
Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919). Reading Keynes on
the arrogant, ignorant, and pompous politicians of the day sheds
comparable light on Trump today. Looking forward to discussion of
Keynes' view of the future of work, which somehow still remains
in our future, assuming we get that far.
Dean Baker:
Trump's 'America First' vaccine agenda may leave us last: "By using
the usual patent monopoly framework rather than international open-source
collaboration, the coronavirus vaccine may prove both elusive and more
costly for Americans."
Zack Beauchamp:
Donald Trump is inciting violence. "His audience is tens of millions
of people. Only a tiny percentage need to act to severely disrupt this
country's politics."
Riley Beggin:
Trump eliminates federal antiracism training, calling it "a sickness":
"A White House memo directing an end to the programs said the trainings
are 'anti-American propaganda' and must stop." Trump means to stamp out
"critical race theory," or more generally anything that impugns white
people as ever having been racist, as benefiting from racism, or that
just hurts their feelings. On the other hand:
Trump has said the Black Lives Matter movement is a "symbol of hate"
and has called those protesting police brutality "thugs." He's
threatened to end protests by sending US troops into American cities,
saying ongoing antiracism protests amount to "domestic terror."
Throughout his presidency, Trump has vehemently opposed protesters'
and officials' efforts to take down Confederate statues and has begun
to promote a "law and order" campaign message that has included a
racist dog whistle pledge to protect "suburban housewives" from "inner
city" crime.
And the president has consistently declined to condemn brazenly
racist comments or actions. For instance, when a supporter in a
retirement community was filmed shouting "white power" while driving
a golf cart bedecked with Trump memorabilia in June, he retweeted it.
Trump in a nutshell: Boat Parade is supposed to be a good time for everyone,
but actually the guy who own really big boats come out fine while the
smaller boats -- including the ones owned by die-hard Trump fans --
sink in the wake.
Trump hired an Obama impersonator to yell at and "fire," according to
Michael Cohen's book: You probably thought racism just comes natural
to some people, but evidently even they have to train and practice to
get really good at it. Cohen's book Betrayal is scheduled for
Tuesday, and leaks so far have been limited. Here's one I noticed on
Twitter, evidently from Wall Street Journal:
Michael Cohen says Trump personally approved the Stormy Daniels hush
money, saying $130,000 "is a lot less than I would have to pay Melania"
and mused that if it got out, his supporters might "think it's cool
that I slept with a porn star."
Rosa Brooks:
What's the worst that could happen? This is rather ridiculous: war
gaming various election scenarios, under the aegis of a group that calls
itself the Transition Integrity Project, hiring "players" like Bill Kristol
and John Podesta to simulate how R and D strategists would react to the
various scenarios.
Fabiola Cineas/Sean Collins/Anna North:
The police shooting of Jacob Blake, explained: "Blake's shooting
has inspired intense protests, a professional sports strike, and fiery
rhetoric from President Trump."
Kenosha's looting is a symptom of a decrepit democracy. "This summer's
unrest comes after years of failure by democratic institutions to respond
to police violence." Best subhed here: "Nothing extinguishes a burning
skyline like equality and justice for all."
This is the latest in a series of Pentagon reports on what China
"probably" intends, which are all policies which would justify the
various US military programs associated with them. In this case,
the formation of Space Force was done with an eye toward China
threatening US satellites.
Problem is that while Space Force could destroy Chinese satellites,
it is not capable of protecting US ones, and the US has many more,
and depends on them for offensive weapons systems like the "precision
bombs" it employed in Iraq. As Chalmers Johnson noted over a decade
ago, all China (or any other nation) would have to do to wipe out all
US satellite resources would be to "launch a dumptruck full of gravel"
into space. The only "defense" the US has against such threats is not
to provoke the Chinese (or others) into feeling the need to level the
playing field against an obvious US military advantage. For another
US China scare report, see
Pentagon: China could pull ahead of US military by 2049. Hard to
say which is the more ridiculous presupposition: that "pulling ahead"
of the US military is something that has any practical import, or that
with Donald Trump president now we seriously need to worry about things
that might happen as far away as 2049. For another one of these, see
Alex Ward below, on China possibly doubling its nuclear arsenal in ten
years.
Matt Ford:
The Republicans' absurd quest to turn Biden into Trump: "The president's
reelection campaign is now an obsessive exercise in psychological projection."
Another way to look at this: has there ever in history been a better time
for someone like Trump to run against an incumbent president like Biden?
Only one problem with that scenario.
Hallie Golden/Mike Baker/Adam Goldman:
Suspect in fatal Portland shooting is killed by officers during arrest.
Of course, unlike, Kyle Rittenhouse, who shot three and killed two BLM
protesters in Kenosha, but was taken into custody live. Michael Forest
Reinoehl, "antifa supporter," now unable to testify what happened in the
shooting he is accused of. Article quotes Attorney General William Barr:
"the streets of our cities are safer." Isn't that what they always say
after the police kills a "suspect"?
Elizabeth A Harris/Alexandra Alter:
Trump books keep coming, and readers can't stop buying. Picture
collects 19 book covers. I haven't read any of those, although I have
read a dozen others (see below). The article notes that "in the last
four years, there have been more than 1,200 unique titles about Mr.
Trump, compared to around 500 books about former President Barack
Obama and his administration during Mr. Obama's first term." I tried
to publish a fairly exhaustive list of
Trump books
on May 16, including a few advance notices on books that were scheduled
up through October, but my list ran out at 294. Some they mentioned
that I missed:
Michael Cohen: Disloyal: (2020, Skyhorse)
Edward Klein: All Out War: The Plot to Destroy Trump
(2017, Regnery)
Carlos Lozado: What Were We Thinking: A Brief Intellectual History
of the Trump Era (2020, Simon & Schuster)
Lee Smith: The Permanent Coup: How Enemies Foreign and Domestic
Targeted the American President (2020, Center Street)
Mary L Trump: Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created
the World's Most Dangerous Man (2020, Simon & Schuster)
Stephanie Winston Wolkoff: Melania and Me: The Rise and Fall
of My Friendship With the First Lady (2020, Gallery)
Bob Woodward: Rage (2020, Simon & Schuster)
Most of those are recent releases (Woodward's is due Sept. 15, Lozado's
Oct. 6), but Klein's screed simply slipped my net. I should do another
books post. Not sure what more there is to net, but there is: John W
Dean: Authoritarian Nightmare: Trump and His Followers, and (of
course) Donald Trump Jr: Liberal Privilege: Joe Biden and the Democrats'
Defense of the Indefensible. For whatever it's worth, here are a few
books I
did read (on Trump, his
administration, and/or the 2016 election, as well as a few less
Trump-centric but still topical tracts, most recent first):
Thomas Frank: The People, NO: The War on Populism and the
Fight for Democracy (2020, Metropolitan Books)
Jacob S Hacker/Paul Pierson: Let Them Eat Tweets: How the
Right Rules in an Age of Economic Inequality (2020, Liveright)
David Bromwich: American Breakdown: The Trump Years and How
They Befell Us (2019, Verso Books)
Sarah Kendzior: Hiding in Plain Sight: The Invention of
Donald Trump and the Erosion of America (2020, Flatiron Books)
Joan C Williams: White Working Class: |Overcoming Class
Cluelessness in America (2020, Harvard Business Review Press)
Ezra Klein: Why We're Polarized (2020, Simon &
Schuster)
Stanley B Greenberg: R.I.P. G.O.P.: How the New America Is Dooming
the Republicans (2019, Thomas Dunne Books)
James Poniewozik: Audience of One: Donald Trump, Television,
and the Fracturing of America (2019, Liveright) -- the most
insightful book on Trump per sé.
Tim Alberta: American Carnage: On the Front Lines of the
Republican Civil War and the Rise of President Trump (2019,
Harper)
Alexander Nazaryan: The Best People: Trump's Cabinet and the
Siege on Washington (2019, Hachette Books)
Michael Tomasky: If We Can Keep It: How the Republic Collapsed
and How It Might Be Saved (2019, Liveright)
Michael Lewis: The Fifth Risk (2018, WW Norton) --
a brief and understated exposé of what Trump has done to the ability
of government to function.
Ben Fountain: Beautiful Country Burn Again: Democracy, Rebellion,
and Revolution (2018, Harper Collins)
Timothy Snyder: The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe,
America (2018, Tim Duggan Books)
Katy Tur: Unbelievable: My Front-Row Seat to the Craziest
Campaign in American History (2017, Dey Street Books)
Allen Frances: Twilight of American Sanity: A Psychiatrist
Analyzes the Age of Trump (2017, William Morrow)
David Frum: Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American
Republic (2018, Harper)
Mark Lilla: The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity
Politics (2017, Harper Collins)
Mark Singer: Trump and Me (2016, Duggan Books)
Matt Taibbi: Insane Clown President: Dispatches From the 2016
Circus (2016, Spiegel & Grau)
More pieces on Trump books:
Gabriel Debenedetti:
How has Donald Trump survived? Review of Michael S Schmidt:
Donald Trump V. the United States: Inside the Struggle to Stop
a President, on the Mueller investigation and especially the
events that led up to it.
Eoin Higgins:
The Bush rehabilitation trap: "Democrats' insistence on redeeming
pre-Trump Republicans will corrupt the party's agenda and spoil the
chance for real social reform." Another excuse to link to:
Will Ferrell returns to SNL as George W Bush, with a reminder: "I was
really bad." Maybe I'd start cutting Bush some slack if he goes
on air and admits as much. Still, such contrition wouldn't erase his
actual record -- especially the warmongering, which is the one trait of
his presidency he can't fob the blame off on the far-right Republicans
Cheney staffed his administration with. Still, even his efforts to work
with Democrats to solve common problems, like No Child Left Behind and
Medicare D, have proven disastrous. Laura mentioned an article about
Obama's "biggest mistake," and I immediately thought of several, most
importantly his reluctance to repeatedly blame the damaged conditions
he inherited on Bush. Not doing so gave Republicans a pass, allowing
them to paint the fruits of their failed ideology as somehow being
Obama's fault. That doomed Democrats in the 2010 elections, and all
the Republicans had to do from then on was to obstruct -- which he
also failed to clearly pin responsibility for. Obama's second biggest
mistake was proclaiming Afghanistan "the right war," and wasting his
first term trying to get it on track. Third was failing to repeal the
Bush tax cuts in 2009 when he had the votes to do so. He spent the
rest of his terms fighting debt fear and austerity pressures that
would have been greatly relieved if he had restored those taxes. But
the "biggest mistake" the article pointed to was the bombing of Libya --
see Stephen Kinzer:
Obama's 'Biggest Mistake' is still wreaking havoc. The quotes
actually come from Obama, but all he meant was "his failure to anticipate
the after-effects," not the bombing itself. In failing to appreciate
that belligerent acts have logical consequences, Obama proved to be
as ignorant and reckless as his predecessor.
Sunil Khilnani:
Isabel Wilkerson's world-historical theory of race and caste: Review
of Wilkerson's new book, Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents,
where a central argument is that India's long-established caste system --
outlawed in the Indian Constitution of 1950 -- provides insights into
racism in America (and, what the hell, Nazi Germany).
On August 27, 2019, President Donald Trump held a 41.3 percent approval
rating and a 54.2 percent disapproval rating, according to FiveThirtyEight's
poll tracker. During the 365 days that followed, Trump became the
third president impeached by the House of Representatives; America
assassinated Iranian general Qassem Soleimani; more than 200,000
Americans died from the disease caused by the novel coronavirus; the
unemployment rate rose from 3.7 percent to 10.2 percent; the US banned
incoming travel from Europe, China, and Brazil; an estimated 12 million
people lost health insurance coverage; Trump pardoned Roger Stone, who
was facing jail time for dirty tricks on the president's behalf; and
George Floyd's murder sparked a nationwide movement protesting for
racial justice -- to which officials responded by tear-gassing
demonstrators in Lafayette Park in Washington, DC, so Trump could
pose for a photograph holding a Bible.
That is, of course, a bitterly incomplete list of a grimly consequential
year in American history. But you'd never know it simply by following
Trump's poll numbers. On August 27, 2020 -- one year later, and the day
Trump used the White House as a backdrop for his convention speech --
FiveThirtyEight had Trump at 42.2 percent approval and 54.3 percent
disapproval. Everything had happened, and politically, nothing had
mattered. Or, at the least, not much had changed.
"It's really remarkable," says Jennifer Victor, a political scientist
at George Mason University. "The stability of Trump's numbers are almost
unbelievable."
Trump's approval ratings have ranged a mere 14 points (35-49%),
compared to a range of 27 for Obama (40-67%), 65 for Bush II (25-90%),
36 for Clinton (37-73%), 52 for Bush I (29-81%), 33 for Reagan (35-68%).
The Bush high marks were inflated by war, and deflated by recession.
Reagan, Clinton, and Obama each started in recession, and presided
over sustained recoveries. Trump was the first president not to get
a "good will" bump after taking office, largely because of the way he
campaigned and won. He was, instead, met with unprecedented demonstrations
and vows of resistance, the first "women's march" overshadowing his
poorly-attended inauguration. That may have helped to lock in his
supporters, who viewed his regime as embattled from day one, and have
since stubbornly resisted news of disasters that many of us considered
inevitable consequences of his election.
Robert Kuttner:
The Biden do not reappoint list: "A third succession of Wall Street
Democrats would be a disaster. Here are the names to look out for."
Larry Summers, Peter Orszag, Mike Froman, Steve Rattner, Jeff Zients,
Bruce Reed, plus a list of big names like Mike Bloomberg and Jamie
Dimon and another of "lesser names." Since this piece was published,
Zients was added as "co-chair" to Biden's transition team. See:
Alex Thompson:
Biden transition team shapes up with Obama-Biden alum hires.
Michael Luo:
American Christianity's white-supremacy problem: "History, theology,
and culture all contribute to the racist attitudes embedded in the white
church." There's plenty of this to go around, but Christian churches
were incubators for abolitionism in the 19th century, and committed
clergy and laity have been prominent in every antiwar and civil rights
movement since.
Bill McKibben:
How fast is the climate changing?: It's a new world, each and every
day: Is McKibben's flair for hyperbole really helping? He has a
knack for taking an isolated insight and blowing it up into a gross
generalization, effectively obliterating his insight. Something a
reasonable person could argue: practically every day we discover
some new incident that helps reveal the greater depths of climate
change. That's not the same as saying the world is changing every
day. For most of us, most of the time, that's simply untrue, or
at least untrue in terms that register with our senses. McKibben
got into this habit with the title of his first book on climate
change, The End of Nature. His argument there was that we
can never know nature because we've changed the climate. In some
sense he was onto something, but that's because humans have used
technology to alter and dominate nature in many ways -- releasing
greenhouse gases to raise air temperature was merely one of many
ways, if anything, one of the least conscious of the many changes.
On the other hand, he totally loses track of one of nature's most
significant characteristics, which is its ability to evolve in
response to changes, ranging from astronomical to human. Of course,
he isn't the only environmentalist to have such anthropocentric
conceits about the world. The very phrase "save the Earth" has
all sorts of hidden assumptions about what kind of Earth it is
one wants to "save." Surely you know that the Earth is almost all
rock, and totally oblivious to changes on its surface. Surely you
realize that life didn't need human beings for nearly four billion
years, and could carry on happily should humans disappear.
Trump's authoritarian "anarchist jurisdictions" memo, explained:
"This is what a president does when he thinks he can do whatever he
wants." Trump is assering that he has the power to cut federal funding
to cities and states that do not do what he wants. He's made threats
like that many times, starting with attacking "sanctuary cities" for
not cooperating with ICE enforcement, and more recently threatened
to withhold education funds from school districts that did not reopen
fast enough. He thinks that if he declares cities to be "anarchist
jurisdictions" he can impose order on them with federal troops. As
Millhiser points out, there is no legal basis for any of this.
Mick Mulvaney's career reached its logical endpoint last week when he
announced he'd started a new hedge fund focused on exploiting deep
knowledge of regulatory trends in the financial services sector. "I
can't think of anyone better to read the tea leaves, if you will, of
what is going to come next from Congress or any one of the slew of
federal regulators out there," said Mulvaney's new business partner
Andrew Wessel, lending high praise to what amounts to official corruption.
There are few public sycophants quite as shameless as Mulvaney when
it comes to doing the bidding of financial loan sharks. Thanks to his
slavish devotion to the cult of personality around a president he once
called "a terrible human being," Mulvaney has gone from being the
payday-loan industry's favorite congressman to Trump's director of the
Office of Management and Budget, the Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau's internal destructor, the acting White House chief of staff,
and finally, the prestigious and rarefied job of Special Envoy for
Northern Ireland.
Yet Mulvaney seems to be leaving public service unsatisfied. You
see, despite his best efforts, financial regulation still, well, exists.
And annoyingly, it seems there are hardworking people who still want it
to, you know, exist.
I would have edited that last line to say "work" instead of repeating
"exist." Also:
For too long, we've denigrated civil servants as lazy, wasteful, and
parasitic -- terms and frames which are wrongheaded and highly racialized.
The resulting anti-government fervor gave us the catastrophes of the Bush
and Trump presidencies. It's an important point that bears repeating:
People who hate government tend not to be very good at it.
If Biden wants to prove that he won't be like Trump or Mulvaney, if
he wants to prove that his government will indeed restore dignity in
America, there's a simple and powerful step he can take: Trust in
government, and commit to appointing career civil servants to top jobs
running the agencies they understand. If nothing else, it will severely
piss off Mick Mulvaney.
JC Pan:
Rotting produce, vacant luxury apartments, and fake scarcity in a
pandemic: "Leaving essentials like food and shelter to the whims
of the market produces an extreme kind of disorganization." At the
very least, this shows that markets don't respond very quickly or
aptly to unpredicted events.
Kevin Peraino:
When America's Cold War strategy turned corrupt: Pretty much from
its inception. After all, the point was to defend and promote business
around the world, not least against its foes in labor. Review of Scott
Anderson: The Quiet Americans: Four CIA Spies at the Dawn of the
Cold War -- a Tragedy in Three Acts. Covers the years 1944-56;
the spies are Michael Burke, Edward Lansdale, Peter Sichel, and Frank
Wisner.
Bill Barr's interview on CNN was a train wreck: "From Black Lives
Matter to election fraud, Barr didn't seem interested in even pretending
he's doing anything other than Trump's bidding." Subheds: Barr's comments
about Jacob Blake and Black Lives Matter revealed how unserious he is
about racial unrest; Barr wouldn't even acknowledge that voting twice
is a crime; The attorney general has been reduced to something akin to
a fixer for the president.
Michael J Sandel:
Disdain for the less educated is the last acceptable prejudice:
He's talking about among Democrats. As Donald Trump and many more
attest, prejudices are rampant within the Republican Party -- maybe
more against the highly educated but against the less educated as
well, even as Republicans occasionally flatter the latter in order
to con them. Sandel wrote The Tyranny of Merit: What's Become of
the Common Good, the latest of a series of books that debunk
the idea that we should be ruled by "the best and the brightest"
(as David Halberstam dubbed the Kennedy meritocrats) -- Chris Hayes'
Twilight of the Elites: America After Meritocracy is the one
I read and recommend, but Daniel Markovits: The Meritocracy Trap:
How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the
Middle Class, and Devours the Elite adds to the critique. One
thing Sandel notes is that Joe Biden "is the first Democratic nominee
in 36 years without a degree from an Ivy League university." Still, he
seems to be confusing education with "credentialism" -- his word, an
interesting choice given how Jane Jacobs took the shift in focus from
education to credentials to be a sure sign of Dark Ages Ahead.
While many Democrats have made the mistake of seeing education as the
key to advancement and therefore a painless answer to inequality --
Robert Reich was a pioneer in this regard -- but what makes that a
mistake is ignoring all other factors. For instance, it's safe to
say that the dearth of blue collar workers in Congress has more to
do with lack of money and connections than prejudice. At least most
Democrats see education as a universal desire and opportunity, and
knowledge and science as general virtues -- unlike many Republicans,
who find free thinking suspiciously dangerous. Also see:
Walter Shapiro:
America is not reliving 1968: "Sure, Donald Trump is harnessing
Richard Nixon's law and order rhetoric, but that doesn't mean it will
work."
Jeffrey St Clair:
Roaming charges: Sometimes they choke: Usual grabbag of points and
asides, but I was struck by the chart (from 538) which argues that Biden
has to win the popular vote by more than 3 points to reach a 50% chance
of winning the electoral college. Next item shows the gerrymandered map
of a "suburban Houston" House district. Then after some Markey-Kennedy
points, he notes that the Postal Servie paid $14M to XPO Logistics, a
company USPS head Louis DeJoy has a significant stake in, over the last
10 weeks. Also, I wanted to quote this:
MAGA loves America. MAGA hates the government. MAGA loves the man who
runs the government they hate. MAGA loves history. MAGA hates the State.
MAGA loves the statues of the historical figures who built the State
they hate.
Other notes include that the US trade deficit reached its highest
level in 12 years, and that "peak oil" is back, with US production on
the decline again, after reaching its second peak (the first was in
1969).
Did Trump call US war dead "losers" and "suckers"? The controversy,
explained. "It's the word of reporters relaying what unnamed
people are saying against the word of untrustworthy people being
open about where they stand." I'm more bothered by politicians and
pundits who use memory of the war dead as an excuse to perpetuate
wars and promote future ones. Still, I'd be more inclined to call
them "victims." Wars result from bad political decisions, usually
long series. Even when the US was backed into a war -- WWII, the
Civil War, maybe the War of 1812 -- one could look back on a long
series of unwise decisions that paved the path to inescapable
grave consequences. And even when the US could justify going to
war, atrocities inevitably followed. So Trump's riposte that all
war dead are "heroes" troubles me more than his slurs, not least
because it's the kind of blanket generalization no one in the
media would object to. Still, it must be admitted that part of
the reaction to "losers" and "suckers" is that such terms convey
the prejudices and privileges of a class that sees itself above
the fray. It doesn't bother me that Trump uses his privileges
to steer clear of the carnage in Vietnam, but it is typical of
him that he sees those who lacked his advantages as "losers"
and "suckers." That's at least part of this fracas, even if no
one wants to talk about it.
Related:
During last week's Republican National Convention, speaker after speaker
insisted that life under a Biden presidency would be dystopian. . . .
"They're not satisfied with spreading the chaos and violence into our
communities. They want to abolish the suburbs altogether," a St. Louis
couple who had brandished weapons against demonstrators outside their
home, told viewers. "Make no mistake, no matter where you live, your
family will not be safe in the radical Democrats' America."
One does not have to be a champion of the Democratic Party to know
this chthonic portrait is absurd. But it is also essential, because it
allows Trump and his followers to tolerate and justify pretty much
anything in order to win. And "anything" turns out to be quite a lot.
Ben White:
Trump's rebound story meets mounting bankruptcies: "Local business
site Yelp found that 55 percent of the firms that closed during the
worst of the pandemic beginning in March are now permanently shuttered."
Matthew Yglesias:
Donald Trump is the president: "Whose America is it, explained."
After noting that while campaigning in 2016, Trump said: "the crime
and violence that today afflicts our nation will soon come to an end.
Beginning on January 20, 2017, safety will be restored." Trump never
explained how he would work his magic, but he didn't. "Murder is on
the rise again after ticking down for a few years, and acts of looting
and vandalism are occurring in cities across the country." Subheds:
Trump is defunding the police
Trump encourages bad policing
Trump leaves no way out
Conclusion:
But what does Trump have on tap beyond angry tweets and absurd posturing?
He's been the president for years, and he's flailing even with the issues
he does want to talk about. Vice President Mike Pence ended his speech
last week by asking the American people to let him and Trump "Make America
great again, again." In context, it was essentially a request for a mulligan
on Covid-19, which is absurd. But it's exactly what Trump is pushing on
crime as well -- that we should just ignore the parts of the presidency
where his ideas don't work and his administration fails on its own terms.