I've been trying to collect my thoughts and write my up
Top 10 Reasons to Vote for Harris vs. Trump. I posted an early
draft -- just the top 10 list -- on Monday afternoon at
Notes on Everyday Life, then blanked out and didn't get to the
second part ("Top 5 Reasons Electing Harris Won't Solve Our Problems")
until Tuesday afternoon (and well into evening). I updated the NOEL
draft that evening, and finally posted the file in the blog. That
pushes this file out until Wednesday, and Music Week until Thursday
(which still fits in October).
As of Tuesday evening, this week's collection is very hit-and-miss
(100 links, 6023 words), typed up during odd breaks as I juggled my
life between working on my birthday dinner, writing the endorsement,
and struggling with my big remodeling project.
The endorsement could
do with some editing, although my initial distribution of the link
has thus far generated almost no comment (one long-time friend wrote
back to disagree, having decided -- "even in a battleground state" --
to vote for Jill Stein). A year ago I still imagined writing a book
that might have some small influence on the election. In some ways,
this piece is my way of penance for my failure, but the more I got
into it, the more I thought I had some worthwhile points to make.
But now it's feeling like a complete waste of time.
The
birthday dinner did feel like I accomplished something. The Burmese
curries were each spectacular in their own way, the coconut rice nice
enough, the ginger salad and vegetable sides also interesting, and the
cake (not Burmese, but spice-and-oats) was an old favorite. I should
follow it up with a second round of Burmese recipes before too long,
especially now that I've secured the tea leaf salad ingredients.
Slow but tangible progress on the bedroom/closet remodel. Walls are
painted now, leaving trim next. Paneling is up in closet, where I still
have the ceiling and quite a bit of trim. [Wednesday morning now:] I've
been meaning to go out back and polyurethane the trim boards, so I can
cut them as needed, first to shore up the ceiling. But it's raining,
so I'll give that pass for another day, and probably just work on this
straggling post. Laura's report of morning news is full of gaffes by
Biden and Hillary Clinton, who seem intent on redeeming the dead weight
of their own cluelessness by imposing it on Harris. With "friends"
like these, who needs . . . Dick Cheney?
Posting late Wednesday night, my usual rounds still incomplete.
I'll decide tomorrow whether I'll add anything here, or simply
move on to next week (which really has to post before election
results start coming in). For now, I'm exhausted, and finding
this whole process very frustrating.
Top story threads:
Israel:
Mondoweiss:
[10-21]
Day 381: Israel pummels northern Gaza amid intensifying extermination
campaign: "Israel's conditions for a ceasefire with Lebanon
include allowing the Israeli army to continue operating in Lebanese
territory. Meanwhile, Israel steps up its extermination campaign in
northern Gaza, targeting its last remaining hospitals."
[10-24]
Day 384: Israel continues to ethnically cleanse northern Gaza:
"The ongoing extermination campaign in northern Gaza is displacing
Palestinians from shelters as dozens of residents have been abducted
by the Israeli army. Meanwhile, Israeli airstrikes hit Beirut's
southern Dahiya district."
Tareq S Hajjaj: [10-25]
Survivors of north Gaza invasion report Israeli 'extermination'
campaign: "Survivors of the ongoing Israeli extermination campaign
in north Gaza describe how the Israeli army is separating mothers from
children before forcing them south, executing civilians in ditches,
and directly targeting hospitals and medical staff."
Shatha Hanaysha: [10-25]
'Our freedom is close': why these young Palestinian men choose armed
resistance: "I met resistance fighters from the Tulkarem Brigade
for an interview in the alleyways of Tulkarem refugee camp in the
occupied West Bank. They talked about why they fight against Israel,
and what their dreams are for the future." This is disturbing. I find
it impossible to feel solidarity or even sympathy with people who
would fight back against Israel, even if purely out of self-defense.
But it is understandable, and has long been predicted, every time
Israel has renewed its war on Gaza (going back at least to 1951):
virtually all people, when oppressed, will fight back. That they
should do so, why and why, is mostly a function of the people who
are driving them to such desperate measures. We'd see less of this
if only we were clear on who is responsible for setting the conditions
that make such rebellion seem like the only recourse, especially if
we made it clear that we'll hold those who control an area as the
sole ones responsible for the rebellions they provoke. Sure, I can
think of some cases where control was nebulous and/or revolts were
fueled by external forces, but that is not the case with Israel in
Gaza. Israel is solely responsible for this genocide. And if armed
resistance only accelerates it, that is solely because Israel wants
it that way.
[10-24]
Israeli army continues attempts to empty northern Gaza: "Following
the Israeli army's claim to have displaced 20,000 Palestinians from
Jabalia, local sources tell Mondoweiss that most of the displaced have
relocated to other places in northern Gaza."
[10-29]
Why Israel outlawed UNRWA, and what it could mean for Palestinian
refugees: "Israel has banned the work of the UN agency for
Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, in Israel and East Jerusalem. The move
could have a major impact on the agency's life-saving work and is
part of an ongoing campaign to erase Palestinian refugee rights."
Jonathan Ofir: [10-28]
Israeli journalists join the live-streamed genocide: "A mainstream
Israeli journalist recently blew up a house in Lebanon as part of a
news report while embedded with the military. The broadcast shows how
mainstream genocidal activity has become in Israeli society."
Christiaan Triebert/Riley Mellen/Alexander
Cardia: [10-30]
Israel Demolished Hundreds of Buildings in Southern Lebanon, Videos
and Satellite Images Show: "At least 1,085 buildings have been
destroyed or badly damaged since Israel's invasion targeting the
Hezbollah militia, including many in controlled demolitions, a New
York Times analysis shows." Same tactics, reflecting the same
threats and intentions Israel is using on Gaza, except that you
can't even pretend to be responding to an attack like Oct. 7.
Hezbollah is being targeted simply because it exists, and Lebanon
is being targeted because Israelis make no distinction between
the "militants" they "defend" against and any other person who
lives in their vicinity. The numbers in Lebanon may not amount
to genocide yet, but that's the model that Israel is following.
The plan, dubbed "Project Esther," casts pro-Palestinian activists
in the U.S. as members of a global conspiracy aligned with designated
terrorist organizations. As part of a so-called "Hamas Support Network,"
these protesters receive "indispensable support of a vast network of
activists and funders with a much more ambitious, insidious goal --
the destruction of capitalism and democracy," Project Esther's authors
allege.
This conspiratorial framing is part of a legal strategy to suppress
speech favorable to Palestinians or critical of the U.S.-Israel
relationship, by employing counterterrorism laws to suppress what
would otherwise be protected speech . . .
To achieve its goals, Project Esther proposes the use of
counterterrorism and hate speech laws, as well as immigration
measures, including the deportation of students and other
individuals in the United States on foreign visas for taking part
in pro-Palestinian activities. It also advocates deploying the
Foreign Agents Registration Act, a law placing disclosure obligations
on parties representing foreign interests, against organizations that
the report's authors imply are funded and directed from abroad.
In addition, the document also suggests using the Racketeer
Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or RICO, to help construct
prosecutions against individuals and organizations in the movement.
The RICO act was originally created to fight organized crime in the
U.S., and particularly mafia groups.
It occurs to me that the same laws and tactics could be used to
counter Israeli political influence -- that that anyone would try
that -- and that the audit trail would be much more interesting.
Azadeh Shahshahahani/Sofía Verónica Montez: [02-26]
Complicity in genocide -- the case against the Biden administration:
"Israel's mass bombardment of civilians in Gaza is being facilitated,
aided and abetted by the United States government." Older article
I just noticed, but figured I'd note anyway. Reminds me that the
only proper response to the "genocide" charge is to stop doing it.
That at least enables the argument that you never meant the complete
annihilation of everyone, because you stopped and left some (most?)
target people still alive. Needless to say, the argument becomes less
persuasive over time, where you've repeatedly missed opportunities
to say this is enough, "we've made our point."
[10-12]
Yom Kippur: Atoning for genocide: "Let's make something clear
from the start: Jews don't have to apologize for Israel's sins.
Israelis must do that."
[10-25]
Is Israel carrying out de facto ethnic cleansing? "A pro-settlement
Israeli group and some Israeli lawmakers gathered a couple miles from
northern Gaza's blasted neighborhoods to rally around settling Gaza."
[10-30]
The world beyond the election: So much for democracy vs. autocracy.
The Biden framing was mostly horseshit, mostly because America has
never cared whether other countries practiced democracy, not least
because we don't do a good job of it ourselves, and are certainly
willing to throw it out the window if the polls look unfavorable.
But also I suppose it was a subtle dig at Trump, who's always been
Team Autocracy. That the ardor seems to have faded is less a change
of view than acknowledgment that it hasn't worked so well. Then
there is this line: "Biden once framed the successful defense of
Ukraine as a rejection of a world 'where might makes right.'" But
what is the US "defense" of Ukraine but an exercise in might making
right? And if that case isn't clear cut enough for you, what else
can you make of Israel?
[10-22]
The Shift: Poll shows Trump with slight edge among Arab American
voters: The poll was from
Arab News/YouGov. The split was 45% for Trump, 43% for Harris, and 4% for
Jill Stein. Of chose, 29% chose Gaza as their biggest issue. Both
candidates got 38% when asked "who would be better for the Middle
East," but respondents thought Trump was more likely "to successfully
resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict" (39% to 33%). A recent poll from
Arab American Institute produced similar results. For more on
recent Arab-American polling:
Richard Eskrow: [10-18]
Dems are afraid Gaza will cost them the election. They're not afraid
enough.
Many people are critics of Harris for not taking a strong stand
against Israel's genocide, but Arria relays a case where Israel's
supporters are attacking Harris for not being supportive enough:
It seems pretty clear that Harris was referring to the humanitarian
crisis in Gaza and not the student's reference to genocide, but this
didn't stop pro-Israel voices from attacking the Vice President.
"A very dangerous precedent,"
tweeted former Israeli Ambassador to the United States Michael
Oren. "I was disturbed to view the video in which Vice President
Kamala Harris appears to confirm the charge that Israel is committing
genocide in Gaza. This is the first time that the White House has been
linked to a libel which threatens Israel's legitimacy and security.
I call on the U.S. administration to issue an immediate and complete
denial."
Just goes to show that Israel's front-line hasbara warriors
realize that their arguments cannot withstand the admission of any
doubt or ambiguity.
Ben Lorber: [09-05]
The right is increasingly exploiting the horror of genocide:
"Right-wing operatives are channeling the genocide in Gaza into
mainstream antisemitism." This was bound to happen, although it's
been slow to emerge, as most right-wing antisemites are actually
big fans of Israel, and they're not especially sensitive to human
rights abuses of any sort. [PS: On closer examination, I may have
jumped to the wrong conclusion: that right-wingers were feigning
horror at genocide to whip up antisemitic sentiments. Turns out
this is mostly about a group called NatCon, where antisemitism
claims the mantle of "Judeo-Christian nationalism" and supports
genocide to the hilt.]
Bob Dreyfuss: [10-29]
Pennsylvania's undecideds: "The 2024 election will likely turn on
the Democrats' ground game."
John Feffer: [10-23]
Billionaires vs democracy: "The rich are trying to buy elections
all over the world and consign democracy to the trash bin of history."
Celinda Lake/Amanda Iovino: [10-30]
A Democratic and a Republican pollster agree: This is the fault line
that decides the election: Teases you with the "gender gap," the
chart showing Trump +8 with men, Harris +9 with women (gap of 17
points), then offers you the 29-point gap by education, which shows
Trump +10 for non-college, Harris +19 for college. Of course, both
factors compound with a 43-point gap between non-college men (Trump +16)
and college women (Harris +27), but non-college women still prefer
Trump (+4) while college men go with Harris (+7).
Nicole Narea: [10-27]
What if Jill Stein or RFK Jr. decides the election? That you
could even ask such a question shows that you understand nothing
about third-party candidates, or at least their voters. Anyone
who thinks that there is meaningful difference between the two
major party candidates will vote for one or the other. Those who
don't may register that opinion by voting for someone else, or
they may just skip the whole process -- third-party voters are
preferable, because at least they're showing respect for the
process, just not for the two parties and their candidates.
Stein and Kennedy decided to throw their names into the hat,
but that's about it. Perhaps they made that decision hoping
to spoil the election -- that's certainly the only message
popular media has any interest in examining. But the voters'
decisions are purely negative. Neither party has the right to
claim third-party votes as rightfully theirs, because those
votes were clear rejections of both parties.
I've made what I felt was a
pretty strong case that the two-party split really matters
this year, and that one should vote for Harris vs. Trump. But
the first commenter I got back disagreed and reiterated his
decision to vote for Stein. I respect that.
Go to the article for
the chart, but each node has an assigned probability, which of
course is just a wild guess, but this allows the possibility of
adding them up:
If the US were remotely normal, every entry on the left-hand edge
ought to be equal to 1. Harris should be a sure winner, Trump shouldn't
find any supporters for a coup, the MAGA Republicans in Congress should
be unelectable and the moderate program proposed by Harris should be
successful enough that Trumpism would be defeated forever.
But that's not the case. There are two end points in which US
democracy survives, with a total probability (excessively precise)
of 0.46, and one where it ends, with a probability of 0.54. By
replacing my probabilities at the decision nodes with your own,
you can come up with your own numbers. Or you may feel that I've
missed crucial pathways. . . .
Note: Any Thälmann-style comments (such as "After Trump, us"
or "Dems are social fascists anyway") will be blocked and deleted.
The key here is "remotely normal, so that's the part you still
have to puzzle out, and that's where the real problems and solutions
lie.
Catherine Rampell/Youyou Zhou: [10-22]
Voters prefer Harris's agenda to Trump's -- they just don't realize
it. Take our quiz." I hate these pieces, not least because they
deliberately try to screw you over with misleading questions, but
since I'm citing it, I figure I might as well score myself. The
verdict was: "you supported 1 of Trump's policies and 4 of Harris's
policies." The one "Trump proposal" I supported was: "Funding free
online classes with money taken from private university endowments
through taxes, fines, and lawsuits." I can see why Harris wouldn't
have proposed that. I'm not wild about the funding mechanism, but
private university endowments are a huge tax shelter that doesn't
offer much public interest value, so I could see taxing them down.
On the other hand, "free online classes" is a no-brainer. I think
that continuing adult education is drastically underserved in
America, and online classes would be a particularly cost-effective
way of helping out. (I also favor free in-person classes, and I
would fund it all from general funds, but I wasn't asked that.)
The only thing that distinguishes this as a "Trump proposal" is
that it's a bit harebrained. It's also a proposal that Trump will
never lift a finger to implement, nor could he pass through his
caucus.
Shaghayegh Chris Rostampour: [10-14]
Why aren't Harris and Trump talking about nuclear weapons?
"The threat is real and at times the call is coming from inside
our own house." This doesn't really belong under "election,"
because, as noted, it's not something being contested, or even
given much thought.
With Harris and Democrats, there is an opening for Americans to
organize, push, and pressure her administration to halt Israel's
genocide and pursue progressive healthcare and economic policies.
Democratic allies include Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez,
labor organizations and communities of color who remain committed
to social justice, equity and peace. With the Republicans and Trump,
no such allies exist. There's simply a fascist and a white Christian
nationalist regime in waiting.
Matt Bai: [10-30]
George W Bush is running out of time: "He should take this
chance to get right with history, because history will certainly
be hard on him." I've long suspected that Bush had a streak of
plain human decency that he managed to suppress during his eight
years as president. He ended that streak in disgrace, which come
to think of it, is also how he started it, with many even worse
moments along the way. But at least he hasn't compounded that
disgrace, as most other ex-presidents have done. His withdrawal
and silence is really all the recognition we need (or can hope
for) that he is at least somewhat cognizant of his failures.
Doing anything else at this point would only compromise his
last shred of dignity.
By the way, it's easy enough to see Dick Cheney's endorsement
as nothing more than a favor to his daughter, who might still
hope to continue her political career -- not as a candidate but
in some other capacity -- by endearing herself to Harris. While
Cheney is the most certifiably evil character in recent American
politics, he's always had a soft spot for the women in his life.
Jackie Calmes: [10-20]
Top 10 reasons not to vote for Donald Trump: Plus: "Finally, the
bonus, a positive reason to vote Harris. She's not only among the
most experienced applicants for the job ever, but also: She's not
Trump."
William Lewis: [10-25]
On political endorsement: The Washington Post, presumably as
directed by billionaire owner Jeff Bezos, declined to endorse any
presidential candidate this year, breaking with a practice that
they've followed since 1976, even after it's been reported that
they had a Harris endorsement ready to go. The publisher tries to
explain this decision here. I'm not terribly bothered by this,
probably because I deeply distrust the big money media anyway,
especially their pretensions of independence. The Post, like the
New York Times, goes out of their way to "balance" their proper
news reporting -- never free from their own deep seated biases --
with right-wing "opinion" writers. However, many readers recognize
Trump as not just a political opportunist but as such a perversely
malign presence that they think he merits more rigorous scrutiny:
that every mention that does not put his statements in historical
context runs the risk of sanitizing and legitimizing ideas that
most people upon reflection should find truly appalling. So this
particular non-endorsement has elicited an interesting set of
reactions, starting with economic sanctions:
Isaac Chotiner: [10-27]
Marty Baron on the Washington Post's "spineless" endorsement
decision: "The former executive editor discusses his relationship
with the newspaper's owner, Jeff Bezos, who was reportedly behind
the last-minute call to kill an editorial supporting Kamala Harris."
David Remnick: [10-30]
Standing up to Trump: "Jeff Bezos endorsed a Trump-era slogan --
'Democracy Dies in Darkness' for his newspaper, the Washington Post.
Why wouldn't he let it endorse a candidate?"
Isaac Stanley-Becker/Aaron C Davis/Josh Dawsey/Christian
Davenport: [10-30]
For Jeff Bezos and his businesses, Washington has become more important:
"Executives at companies founded by the billionaire Post owner have
sought contact with trump. He argues he didn't end presidential
endorsements out of self-interest."
The New Yorker:
Harris for President: "The Vice-President has displayed the basic
values and political skills that would enable her to help end, once
and for all, a poisonous era defined by Donald Trump."
Rick Perlstein: [10-23]
Science is political: "For only the second time in its 179-year
history, Scientific American has endorsed a candidate for
president: Kamala Harris.
Bret Stephens: [10-29]
A conservative case against Trump: This one gives me no comfort.
He's in the running for worst right-wing pundit in America, and
much of his rationale centers on his understanding that Trump is
less reliable than Harris when it comes to supporting war and
genocide: among other things, he worries that "allow Putin to
succeed in Ukraine, and Israel's threats from Russia's allies
in Iran, Syria and Yemen will multiply."
Wikipedia: I ran this last week, but the lists keep
growing:
Melissa Gira Grant: [10-29]
Trump wasn't kidding with that fascist rally. Just ask his ICE chief.
"While Stephen Miller and Tony Hinchcliffe were hurling racist tropes
at Madison Square Garden, former ICE acting Director Tom Homan was
on CBS explaining what the actual policies of mass deportation would
look like."
Alex Shephard: [10-28]
It's not just Trump we have to fear anymore: "Trump's rally at
Madison Square Garden was a parade of foot soldiers in a hateful
movement that has become even bigger than the man who founded it."
We don't know our true values until they're tested.
Hatred is the prime motivating force in our politics.
Finally, trust is tribal.
Susan B Glasser: [10-18]
How Republican billionaires learned to love Trump again: "The
former President has been fighting to win back his wealthiest donors,
while actively courting new ones -- what do they expect to get in
return?"
Trump's effort to win back wealthy donors received its biggest boost
on the evening of May 30th, when he was convicted in Manhattan on
thirty-four criminal counts related to his efforts to conceal
hush-money payments to the former adult-film actress Stormy Daniels.
After the verdict, Trump walked out to the cameras in the courthouse
and denounced the case brought against him as "rigged" and a "disgrace."
Then he departed in a motorcade of black Suburbans. He was headed
uptown for an exclusive fund-raising dinner, at the Fifth Avenue
apartment of the Florida sugar magnate José (Pepe) Fanjul. . . .
Trump was seated at the head table, between Fanjul -- a major
Republican donor going back to the early nineties -- and Stephen
Schwarzman, the C.E.O. of Blackstone, the world's largest private-equity
fund, who had endorsed Trump the previous Friday. Securing the support
of Schwarzman was a coup for the Trump campaign. . . .
Trump was fund-raising off his conviction with small-dollar donors
as well; his campaign, which portrayed him as the victim of a
politicized justice system, brought in nearly $53 million in the
twenty-four hours after the verdict. Several megadonors who had
held back from endorsing Trump announced that they were now
supporting him, including Miriam Adelson, the widow of the late
casino mogul Sheldon Adelson; the Silicon Valley investor David
Sacks, who said that the case against Trump was a sign of America
turning into a "Banana Republic"; and the venture capitalist Shaun
Maguire, who, less than an hour after the verdict, posted on X that
he was donating $300,000 to Trump, calling the prosecution a
"radicalizing experience." A day later, Timothy Mellon, the
banking-family scion, wrote a $50-million check to the Make
America Great Again super PAC.
Doug Henwood: [10-30]
Trumponomics: "What kind of economic policy could we expect
from a second Trump term?" A fairly obvious assignment for one of
our more available left-wing economists, but he comes up with
surprisingly little here, beyond income tax cuts and tariffs --
much-advertised themes that are unlikely to amount to very much.
I suspect this is mostly because, despite the obvious importance
of the economy, there isn't much of a partisan divide on how to
run it. Trump would be harder on workers (especially on unions),
and softer on polluters and all manner of frauds, but those are
just relative shifts of focus. He would also shift public spending
away from things that might be useful, like infrastructure, to
"defense," including his "beautiful wall."
Robert Kuttner: [10-30]
Why so much hate? "Trump has tapped into an undercurrent of crude
hatred and encouraged his supporters to express it. Where does all
this hate come from?"
Steven Levitsky/Daniel Ziblatt: []
There are four anti-Trump pathways we failed to take. There is a
fifth. Authors of two books that have many liberal fans --
How Democracies Die (2018), and Tyranny of the Minority:
Why American Democracy Reached the Breaking Point (2023) --
but never struck me as worth investigating, partly because their
interest in democracy seems more concerned with formal elegance
than with making government serve the people. The fifth path,
when various legal schemes fail, is "societal mobilization" --
isn't that what we used to call "revolution"? The authors have
written several "guest essays" over the years, including:
Rick Perlstein: [10-30]
What will you do? "Life-changing choices we may be forced to make
if Donald Trump wins."
Molly Redden/Andy Kroll/Nick Surgey: [10-29]
Inside a key MAGA leader's plans for a new Trump agenda: "Key
Trump adviser says a Trump administration will seek to make civil
servants miserable in their jobs." Spotlight here on Russell Vought,
"former acting director of the Office of Management and Budget."
Also on Vought:
[10-22]
Americans need a closing argument against Trump: "Too many Americans
seem to be ignoring the risks that another Trump presidency would pose
to the US. This is a warning to them." Included here because the author
casually mentions: "Trump is a fascist who wants to overthrow the United
States' democratic system of government." That's under the first section
here, which is just one of several:
Threat to democracy
Imprison political opponents
Eliminate reproductive rights
Concentration camps and mass deportations for immigrants
Create a theocracy
Increase censorship and destroy the media
A puppet for Putin
Dictator for life
Actually, I don't see many of these things happening, even if
Republicans take Congress, and the last two are total canards.
No one aspires to be a puppet, but aside from that, the rest are
at least things Trump might think of and wish for. What separates
Trump from the classic fascists has less to do with thought and
desire than with checks and balances that make it hard for any
president to get much of anything done. Still, a bad president
can do a lot of damage, and any would-be fascist is certain to
be a very bad president. As Trump has already proven, so we
really shouldn't have to relitigate this.
Sean Wilentz:
Trump's plot against America: "A leading historian looks back
at Philip Roth's novel and how it perfectly predicts the rise of
Trump and his willing collaborators."
Did yesterday's rally seem like the work of an organized, dangerous
fascist party? Yes -- but the rally's rhetoric also seemed like
ordinary casual conversation among bigoted white men when they
think no one can hear them. Remember the cops who beat Rodney King
in 1991 and sent messages to one another describing Black citizens
involved in a domestic dispute as being "right out of 'Gorillas in
the Mist'"? Remember the police official responsible for investigating
workplace harassment in New York City being fired in 2021 after it
was revealed that he'd written racist posts in a police discussion
group called the Rant? . . .
This is how bigoted men talk. Among cops, it reinforces a sense
of grievance that often leads to brutality. It'll do the same thing
among Trumpers if they win -- and, to a lesser extent, if they lose.
This is a rising fascist movement, but it's built on ordinary
hatreds that aren't new and that predate Trump's political career.
I think young men find Trump's campaign-trail lapses relatable.
It's not just that they might really believe Haitians in America are
eating people's pets, or might enjoy Trump's smutty anecdotes. I think
they also might notice that Trump is being accused of campaign
incompetence or dementia -- and that endears him more to
them.
After all, many of them were diagnosed with ADHD because they
couldn't sit still in school or stop disrupting class. They might
not like Trump's taste in music, but they can relate to someone who
shows up and just doesn't feel like doing the work.
They appreciate the way Trump suggests that he not only can solve
all the world's problems, but can do it quickly and easily -- he
conveys a sense that he can succeed at many things without doing
any hard work. That's what they want to do!Why are young men attending college at lower rates than young
women? Aren't they attending the same schools as their sisters?
Being good in school has always been seen as weird and unmanly by
most Americans, and I think that mindset is having a greater and
greater impact on young men's choices. Boys with good grades are
seen as weird losers and not very masculine -- they're like girls,
who are allowed to be good in school. It's much cooler to be an
amusing fuckup.
When we express horror at Trump's latest baffling act on the
campaign trail, I think we sound, to these young men, like annoyingly
responsible scolds. Obviously, they like Trump's offensive humor
because they like offending people, but they also relate to Trump's
refusal to restrain his speech because trying to avoid giving offense
to people is hard work. It's almost like schoolwork, and the
same people are good at it, for the same reasons -- because they're
grade-grubbing goody-goodies who seem to like spoiling everyone
else's fun.
This is a reminder of one reason Donald Trump is winning over some
young men, apart from the bro-ishness and misogyny of his campaign:
Trump and his surrogates have young men convinced that a vote for
Harris is a vote for war. Trump regularly says that a Harris
presidency will lead to World War III, while he'll instantly,
magically, and single-handedly end all the major wars taking place
right now and prevent future wars by means of a slogan, "Peace
Through Strength." Harris, regrettably, has welcomed the support
not only of Liz Cheney (who has stood up for the rule of law in
recent years) but also of her father, whom nobody admires these
days and who was unquestionably a warmonger.
Trump is a repeat electoral loser. This time will be no different.
Money matters, and Harris has it in droves.
It's just a feeling.
His feeling?
For the past decade, Trump has infected American life with a
malignant political sickness, one that would have wiped out many
other global democracies. On Jan. 6, 2021, our democracy itself
nearly succumbed to it. But Trump has stated clearly that this
will be the last time he runs for president. That is exactly why
we should be exhilarated by what comes next: Trump is a loser;
he is going to lose again. And it is highly likely that there
will be no other who can carry the MAGA mantle in his wake --
certainly not his running mate.
Lydie Lake: [10-30]
Harris's final push before election day: "Kamala Harris delivered
her closing argument in a charged pre-election rally near the White
House."
Chris Megerian/Colleen Long/Steve Karnowski: [10-17]
Following death of Hamas leader, Harris says it's 'time for the
day after to begin' in Gaza. If by "day after" you mean the
day after the killing ends, that's been overdue since Oct. 8,
2023 (and really many years before), but the statement would
seem to reject the idea that the war has to go on until there
are no Palestiniains left to kill, which seems to be Netanyahu's
agenda.
One of the main mistakes Hillary Clinton made was making her central
message "Trump is bad" without offering a positive case for why she
would be a good president. The error is being repeated.
A quick search reveals more complaints about this as a strategy,
along with much consternation that Harris is blowing the campaign,
possibly letting Trump win. I get that the "Trump is a fascist" jab
is suddenly fashionable thanks to the Kelly quote, although it's
been commonplace for years among people who know much about the
history of fascism, and are willing to define it broadly enough
that a 78-year-old American might qualify. I'd say that Trump is
a bit more complicated and peculiar than simply being a generic
fascist, although sure, if you formulated a generic F-scale, he
would pass as a fascist, and it wouldn't be a close call. But I
have two worries here: one is that most Americans don't know or
care much about fascism -- other than that it's a generic slur,
which judging from his use of the word (e.g., to slam "radical
leftists") seems to be his understanding; the other is that there
are lots of other adjectives and epithets that get more surely
and much quicker to the point of why Trump is bad: even fancy
words like sociopath, narcissist, oligarch, and misanthrope work
better; as well as more common ones like racist, sexist, elitist,
demagogue; you could point out that he's both a blowhard and a
buffoon; or you could settle for something a bit more colorful,
like "flaming asshole." Or rather than just using labels/names,
you could expand on how he talks and acts, about his scams and
delusions -- sorry if I haven't mentioned lies before, but they
come in so many flavors and variations you could do a whole
taxonomy, like the
list of fallacies (many of which he exemplifies -- at least
the ones that don't demand much logic).
As for Robinson's complaint, I think that's typical of left
intellectuals, who've spent all their lives trying to win people
over on issues. Politicians have to be more practical, especially
because they have to win majorities, while all activists can hope
for are incremental gains. Harris has a lot of planks in her
platform, and if you're seriously interested in policy, there's
a lot to talk about there (and not all good, even if, like most
leftists, you're willing to settle for small increments). But to
win an election, she needs to focus on the elements that can get
her majority support.
And the one key thing that should put her over the top is that
he's Donald Trump, and she isn't: that the only chance we voters
have of getting rid of Trump is to vote for her. To do this, she
needs to focus relentlessly on his negatives. She doesn't need to
toot her own horn much, as every negative she exposes him for is
an implicit contrast: to say "Trump is a fascist" implies that "I
am not." That may not be saying much, but it's something, and it
should be enough. And Robinson, at least, should know better. I
find it hard -- I mean, he's just co-authored
a book with Noam Chomsky -- seriously expects any Democrat to
offer "a positive case for why she would be a good president."
All any voter can do is pick one item from a limited, pre-arranged
menu. Sometimes you do get a chance to vote for someone you really
like or at least respect, but quite often the best you can do is
to vote against the candidate you most despise.
That choice seems awfully clear to me this year. Unfortunately,
it appears that many people are still confused and/or misguided.
At this point, I don't see any value in second-guessing the Harris
campaign. I have no reason to think they don't want to win this as
badly as I want them to win. They have lots of money, lots of
research, and lots of organization. They think they're doing the
right things, and I hope and pray they're right. It's endgame now,
so let them run their last plays. And if they do lose, that will
be the time to be merciless in your criticism. (That'll be about
the only fun you'll have in the next four years. By the way, if
you want a head start, check out
this book.)
Susan B Glasser: [10-24]
Donald Trump and the F-word: "Kamala Harris embraces the 'fascist'
label for the ex-President, without any certainty that it will disquality
him."
Dylan Matthews: [10-23]
Is Trump a fascist? 8 experts weigh in. "Call him a kleptocrat,
an oligarch, a xenophobe, a racist, even an authoritarian. But he
doesn't quite fit the definition of a fascist." Had the head writer
read the article, they would have seen that it all depends on the
definition, and here 8 "experts" are all over the map, although they
all pretty much agree that Trump is an awful person and a dangerous
politician who is up to no good. Unless you're writing a comparative
historical analysis of right-wing political movements, that should
be understanding enough to vote against him.
Jonathan Weisman: [10-17]
Harris and Democrats lose their reluctance to call Trump a fascist:
"Since Gen. Mark Milley was quoted as saying Donald Trump is 'fascist
to the core,' a term avoided by top members of the Democratic Party is
suddenly everywhere." For me, the word "fascist" packs a lot of info in
a small package. For others, that info may be undecipherable, in which
case the charge rings hollow, or perhaps just scatalogical. But obviously
you don't get to be a general without studying a bit into WWII, which
is where Milley and Kelly are coming from.
Marc A Thiessen: [10-24]
Harris's closing argument is dishonest, desperate and hypocritical:
"Trump isn't a fascist, and he didn't say he would use the military
against his political opponents." But still not nearly as "dishonest,
desperate and hypocritical" as this (or pretty much any) Thiessen
column. Here's just one example:
Aaron Blake: [10-30]
Did Biden call Trump supporters 'garbage'? It comes down to an
apostrophe. "Republicans have long strained for a new Hillary
Clinton-"deplorables" moment, but Biden's defense is entirely
plausible." It mostly comes down to "who gives a fuck." I'm not
in favor of epithets applied to broad swathes of people, but
anyone offended by this is awfully thin-skinned.
Paige Oamek: [10-30]
Trump trashes Democrats after claiming what Biden said was mean:
"Donald Trump is back to his usual self, mere hours after complaining
about Joe Biden's 'garbage' comment." Of course, I could have filed
this in the Trump section, with so many other dumb and/or mean things
he's saying, but I wanted to stress what I meant by thin-skinned.
Adam Johnson: [07-12]
The best counter to Project 2025 is a Progressive Project 2025:
"If President Biden -- or any Democratic replacement -- wants to get
back in the race, they need a positive moral vision to run on, not
just dire warnings." Obviously, the subhed is dated, and even if
true (which it probably isn't), it's too late to affect the 2024
election. I'm not opposed to articulating "a positive moral vision" --
after Gaza, I'd even welcome a negative one, like "not that" -- but
naming it "2025" implies you're seeking to power to implement big
changes almost immediately, and that is neither realistic nor a
very conducive vibe.
[10-21]
The Biden-Harris job boom: "Donald Trump seems to have forgotten
what the economy was like when he left office. He talks as though it
was booming and then Biden sank it. In fact, the opposite is the
case."
Lydia Polgreen: [10-29]
We've just had a glimpse of the world to come. She's talking
about "a lavish global summit in the Russian city of Kazan," the
BRICS conference, where "Vladimir Putin looked like the cat who
ate the canary." US sanctions were supposed to isolate Russia,
to cripple its economy, and bring them back begging for peace and
mercy. How has that worked out?
Amelia Nierenberg: [10-21]
Understanding the BRICS summit: "The group, which seeks to rebalance
the global order away from the West, will meet on Tuesday." Here's a
primer.
Elsewhere in the world and/or/in spite of America's empire:
Noam Hurowitz: [10-23]
Meet the world's least popular president: "With a 92 percent
disapproval rating, Peru's Dina Boluarte is testing the very limits
of disdain."
Ross Rosenfeld: [10-30]
How America's craven plutocrats busted the myth of the business
hero: "The members of the billionaire executive class have billed
themselves as great men of history beyond scrutiny and reproach. his
is the year that shattered that illusion." Sorry to break this, but
that illusion has been pretty thoroughly debunked at least since Ida
B. Wells. And while I appreciate the occasional Harris supporter in
their ranks, she isn't really that much of a reach: arguably she'll
do better by them than their culturally simpatico golf cheat buddy.
More than half of Trump's supporters don't believe he'll
actually do many of the things he claims he'll do (mass deportations,
siccing the military on domestic protesters and political rivals),
while more than half of Harris's supporters hope she'll implement
many of the policies (end the genocide/single-payer) she claims she
won't. And that pretty much sums up this election.
Barnett R. Rubin, former US diplomat: "Why do people keep saying
that US politics is polarized? Look at the big picture. Genocide
enjoys broad bipartisan support."
Fox News' Brian Kilmeade defended Trump's statement that
he wants the "kind of generals that Hitler had." Kilmeade: "I can
absolutely see him go, it'd be great to have German generals that
actually do what we ask them to do, maybe not fully being cognizant
of the third rail of German generals who were Nazis or whatever."
Kilmeade and Trump may not be "cognizant" of the fact that several
"German generals" (von Stauffenberg, Friedrich Olbricht, and Ludwig
Beck) tried to blow Hitler to bits and Germany's most famous General,
Rommel, was forced to kill himself after being implicated in the
plot.
Hours after the Washington Post announced its decision not
to endorse [Kamala Harris, directed by Post owner Jeff Bezos], the
Associated Press reported that Donald Trump met with executives
from Blue Origin, the space company owned by Bezos that has a $3.4
billion NASA contract to build a spacecraft to take astronauts to
the moon and back.
Eugene Debs: "I'd rather vote for something I want and don't
get it, than vote for something I don't want and get it."
Trump: "I worked a shift at McDonalds yesterday." A McDonalds
shift is eight hours, not 18 minutes . . . Dukakis in a tank looked
less ridiculous.
Sounds familiar . . . [followed by a tweet which reads: "In
1938, Benito Mussolini closed off a wheat field & did a photo
shoot showing him harvesting hay in order to portray himself as a
common working man. He was surrounded by workers who had been
vetted as loyal to the party." Includes a picture of the shirtless
Fascist with cap and aviator goggles.]
Since 2001, forest fires have shifted north and grown more
intense. According to a new study in Science, global CO2 emissions
from forest fires have increased by 60% in the last two decades.
Christian nationalist pastor
Joel Webbon called for the public execution of women who falsely
claim to have been sexually assaulted: "MeToo would end real fast . . .
All you have to do is publicly execute a few women who have lied."
Montana Senate candidate
Tim Sheehy, on why he wants to abolish the Dept. of Education:
"We formed that department so little Black girls could go to school
down South, and we could have integrated schooling. We don't need
that anymore."
Edward Luce, associate editor of the Financial Times: "Hard to
overstate what a sinister figure Elon Musk is. Never seen one oligarch
in a Western democracy intervene on anything like this scale with
unending Goebbels-grade lies." Musk is the most obnoxious kid in
middle school who is running the campaign of the school bully for
student council without even being asked because even the school
bully doesn't want to be around him . . .
Obituaries
Barbara Dane: She started as a folksinger,
and I heartily recommend her Anthology of American Folk Songs
(1959), better than her memorably titled 1973 album, I Hate the
Capitalist System, but she also recorded albums with Earl 'Fatha'
Hines, Lightnin' Hopkins, and the Chambers Brothers, and I liked
her 2016 jazz album Throw It Away enough for an A-.
Lewis Sorley, 90, who said the US won (but then lost) in Vietnam,
dies: [10-30] Military historian. I've always hated the very idea of his
book, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of
America's Last Years in Vietnam, where he claimed that America
could have and should have won the war in Vietnam, but was sabotaged
by the peace movement, a fickle media, and weak-willed politicians.
In Sorley's worldview, the war should have gone on forever.
Rick Lopez: [10-24]
Update.01 to The Sam Rivers Sessionography: A Work in Progress:
Fulfilling his subtitle, with a very substantial addition, on top of
a "magnificent" and "gorgeous" (to quote my own blurb) 764-page book
that already seemed definitive. By the way, those words were written
in advance of this "press release" quoted on page 3:
Michael Hull's Fifth Column Films has begun work on a feature-length
documentary about Sam Rivers through the lens of The Sam Rivers
Sessionography, a book by Rick Lopez. Rivers was a musical genius
who spent his life obsessed with creating intricate compositions that
pushed music to places no one else could conceive of. It's only fitting
that his biographer has invented an entirely new way to understand the
life of an artist through a minutely detailed portrait that could only
flower from the uniquely focused mind of Lopez. Rivers was a massive
talent who has been mostly forgotten by the American jazz scene and is
rarely included in the conversation about great masters of the art.
Lopez's book and this film aim to correct that oversight, and make the
case that Sam Rivers should take his place in the pantheon of the 20th
century.
Full disclosure: Michael Hull is my nephew. He started in Jason
Bailey's Wichita-based film crew (e.g.,
My Day in the
Barrel), produced a film
Smokers
no one has heard of, wrote a novel that hasn't been published and,
most relevant here, made the superb documentary
Betrayal at Attica. I've admired Lopez since I first
discovered him twenty-some years ago, so the idea of introducing
him and Mike was blindingly obvious. (I was also the person who
introduced Mike and Liz Fink, although the gestation period on
that project took much longer.) We have some money invested in
this project, which you can take as a caveat if you wish, but I
regard more as a vote of confidence. Still some ways to go, but
here's a preliminary
trailer and more information.
John McWhorter: [10-24]
It sounded like dancing, drinking and sex. It blew people's minds.
I only noticed this piece on "the long, syncopated journey from Scott
Joplin to Beyoncé" because Allen Lowe
complained about it: "his views of ragime are just bizarre and
beneath even the most minimal amount of knowledge, full of stereotypes
and really thirdhand historiography"; Phil Dyess-Nugent added: "Having
made his name writing about some things he seemed to understand, John
McWhorter has since demonstrated his cluelessness on a vast array of
subjects." That's my general impression of the few columns I've read,
especially since his ridiculous Woke Racism book. This I'm
less sure about, maybe because I don't know or chare that much about
ragtime (or, I might as well admit, Beyoncé), so I'm mostly just noting
a lot of name-dropping and connect-the-dots that favors obvious over
interesting.
QUESTION: Who is worse for Palestinians, Trump or Harris?
ANSWER: Harris is worse for Palestinians.
WHY?
Harris and Biden are already culpable for a year-long genocide.
Like Trump, Harris vows to keep giving Israel unconditional support.
Therefore, Trump can never match Harris's death toll.
Rewarding Harris's war crimes with a vote emboldens Netanyahu and
opens the floodgates for future tyrants.
If Trump wins and Democrats suddenly decide massacring children
is wrong, Trump will face much greater resistance to letting Israel
commit atrocities.
Bottom line: Voting third party is the only moral choice, but if
liberals insist on comparing Trump to Harris, Harris is worse for
Palestinians.
I found this immediately after posting my
preliminary draft on who to vote for president and why, so I've
already explained why I disagree with Daou's conclusion so strongly.
But perhaps I should stress one very important point, which is that
voting is not a moral choice; it is a political choice. I'm not going
to write a disquisition on the difference, but will insist that it is
a category error to vote based on morality. As for Daou's five points:
True, but the order is wrong, like saying "Speer and Hitler
are already culpable," where the clearest charge against Speer
(and Harris) is not breaking with their leader. By the way, Biden
is more like Speer than to Hitler -- in playing follow-the-leader,
but also given their critical position in the arms pipeline.
Not false, but Harris (unlike Trump and Graham) has never said
"finish the job," and she's not unaware of the human toll Israel's
"self-defense" is taking, so I'd say that continued "unconditional
support" is slightly less likely from her. Admittedly, that's a
thin reed she has often taken pains to cover up.
No way of predicting, but no reason to underestimate Trump's
capacity for getting people killed. His general contempt for most
of the world suggests quite the opposite.
Clearly, massively false. Netanyahu's preference for Trump is
widely known, not only through his own words and acts but through
mutual donors like Myriam Adelson.
Hard to know where to begin with this variation on "if the
fascists win, the revolution will hasten." Ever hear of "moral
hazard"? Sure, some Democrats may learn to blame the genocide on
Trump -- as some Democrats came to blame Nixon for Vietnam -- but
most will simply be shocked and search for scapegoats to blame,
especially "pro-Palestinians" like Daou.
Daou's conclusion that "Harris is worse for Palestinians" is
horribly wrong, even if "Harris is no good for Palestinians" may
well be true. But I wouldn't be much swayed if one could argue
that one candidate would be good or better, because I've never
looked at this conflict through that prism. I never quite bought
the argument that "Palestinians have dug their own graves," but
I did have sympathies for Israel at one point, which may be why
I still wish to emphasize that genocide is bad (and I mean really
bad) for Israel (and for America, which is implicated not just
due to recent arms support but via longstanding cultural and
political mores), and that in itself is reason enough to oppose
it. (And sure, it's even worse for the killed than the killers,
and that's another reason to oppose it, but it doesn't have to
be the only one.)
Some more comments on Daou's tweet:
Nathan J Robinson: Peter, this doesn't make sense. It
could absolutely get worse under Trump. Any pressure to provide
any aid whatsoever to Gaza will disappear. Greater pressure may
be brought on Egypt to let Israel fully ethnically cleanse Gaza.
Don't assume this is as bad as it can get.
Andrew Revkin: I sense @RudyGiuliani would disagree
with you, @peterdaou, on who's worse for Palestinians. Here's
how he explained the Trump plan at the #MSGRally tonight in
his own words.
Nathan J Robinson: [12-27] [comment attached to a clip of Tucker
Carlson's MSG rally rant]
The level of uncontrolled rage is terrifying, but I think if Trump
is elected you will see it get far worse. The amount of overt racism
will increase, the view of Democrats, leftists, migrants being scum
in need of elimination. JD Vance has made clear that Pinochet is the
model.
Mehdi Hasan: [10-30] Donald Trump is going around telling Michigan
Muslims he'll end the war, be the peace president, and how pro-Muslim
(!) he is.
Meanwhile, Dems sent Bill Clinton to lecture Michigan Muslims on
how it's all Hamas's fault that Israel is massacring kids and killing
civilians holding white flags.
Whether or not they end up losing Michigan, at this point the Dems
deserve to lose Michigan. Sheesh.
Aaron Rupar: [10-31] Trump on Liz Cheney: "Let's put her with
a rifle standing there with 9 barrels shooting at her. Let's see
how she feels about it. You know, when the cuns are trained on her
face."
Local tags (these can be linked to directly):
music.
Original count: 228 links, 11718 words (15894 total)
Current count: 253 links, 12905 words (17532 total)
Birthday dinner was yesterday. I wrote up this post on Facebook:
Thanks to everyone for the birthday wishes, and especially to those
who so kind for allowing me to cook for them. Plate photo
below. Coconut rice in middle, surrounded by (cw from top): "eggplant
delight"; beef curry with potatoes; okra; pork curry with mango
pickle; "punchy-crunchy ginger salad" (sort of); chicken coconut
curry; sweet potato curry. I shopped Wednesday. Thought I'd do more
Thursday, but decided to go with what I got. Made the three meat
curries Thursday evening, as well as oatmeal stout cake for
dessert. They took a long time -- seems like everything does these
days -- but I was pleased with the results (I wound up using Patak
Mango Relish with the pork). Finishing up today was more of a
struggle. The sweet potato is a variation on a pumpkin-tamarind, but
took much longer. The salad is made with pickled ginger, but I didn't
have several ingredients, and wound up trying a lot of different
things in it before I got something that seemed to work. As I said,
this was my first stab at Burmese. Clearly I have much more to learn,
but the advertised "rivers of flavor" were certainly there.
I also wrote a letter to Jan Barnes with more detail on the dinner,
the work involved, and future plans:
My hip condition has been diagnosed as sacroiliac joint
dysfunction. That's where the pelvis fuses into the spine, so it's
different from what they try to fix with hip replacement surgery. It
does sometimes manifest as lower back pain. I've never been diagnosed
as having arthritis, although pretty much everyone I've ever known has
had it by the time they reached my age (now 74). I'm not sure what the
technical definition is, but popularly it seems to be a synonym for
getting old and creaky. I have some probable arthritis in my hands,
but I also probably also have carpal tunnel syndrome, and suspect each
makes the other worse.
I did get some physical therapy for the sacroiliac pain, but it
didn't help much. The idea was to strengthen your hip muscles to
relieve pressure on the joints, but the effect was to add muscle pain
to joint pain. Had I stuck with it, presumably the muscle pain would
fade and I'd be better. I've found that prednisone works much better,
but so far I've hoarded my pills for future really bad days -- like
when I do a lot of cooking. I figured yesterday would be one,
especially after much pain the day before, but I held off on taking my
last pills, and in the end didn't need to. That I can stand the pain I
have suggests that other people have it much worse than I do. Or maybe
that I have inherited some of my mother's high tolerance for pain. And
possibly that bitching about it is itself therapy.
First day of cooking, as noted, was spectacularly
successful. Second day was a chaotic mess. I started with the topping
on the cake, which turned out perfect (although the "new" can of
sweetened condensed milk was much browner than expected, I used it
anyway, as the broiler would brown it anyway; I just had to be careful
not to burn it). After that, I roasted eggplants, and made a sweet
potato tamarind curry (recipe was for pumpkin, with sweet potato
offered as an alternative, noting it would take longer to cook -- well
over an hour in my case, vs. 8 minutes the recipe expected for
pumpkin). I finished the "eggplant delight," which was not as good as
I expected, but at least had one dish on the table. I sliced the okra
and shallots, to stir-fry later. (I had, by that point, prepped big
piles of chopped onions, garlic, shallots, ginger, shrimp powder,
serrano chiles, cilantro, and mint, as most of the recipes call for
them in various combinations.)
I started work on the "punchy-crunchy ginger salad," which as it
turned out I only had about half of the specified ingredients for, but
I figured it was my best candidate among the salads. It took hours to
fiddle with until I got something I liked. The "punchy" is pickled
ginger, like they serve in sushi restaurants (although the recipe
cautioned to use the white rather than the more common pink). I had
two aged but unopened jars in the pantry, as well as some lost in the
back of the refrigerator. I didn't like the taste of the first jar I
opened, so threw it out. The second wasn't great either, but good
enough to use. I took out half of the jar, chopped it up, and put it
in my salad bowl. (Later, when I thought it wasn't punchy enough, I
added the rest, as well as some of the pickling fluid.)
The ginger would be mixed with shredded Chinese (napa) cabbage, but
all I saw on my shopping day were soft and wilted, so I bought a small
white cabbage head instead. I shredded one quarter of it, mixed it in,
then decided I wanted a bit of color, so I shredded a similar amount
of romaine lettuce. Then I added three roma tomatoes, sliced
lengthwise in narrow strips, then crosswise into thirds. That was the
basic salad part. Next bit was to add the "crunchy," which called for
roasted split peas, pumpkin seeds, sunflower seeds, toasted sesame
seeds, fried garlic slices, and chopped roasted peanuts. I only had
the latter three, so I scrambled to find other things that might
work. I thought cashews would be good, but couldn't find any (among
the dozen other bags of nuts I stock; I did throw some hazelnuts
in). I also felt short on "punchy," so I chopped up some pickled mango
and mustard stem, and threw that in.
For dressing, the recipe called for lime juice and garlic oil. I
didn't have the latter (or the presence of mind to dig out the roasted
garlic in the refrigerator, which was packed in suitable oil), so I
used toasted sesame oil, and supplemented the lime juice with pickled
ginger juice. In the end, I decided it was good enough to serve, and a
nice complement to everything else.
Meanwhile, I stir-fried the okra and shallots (which turned out
very good -- the only dish I had no leftovers of), and started to heat
the coconut milk for the rice. For the latter, I used the thicker
"coconut cream," only to have it boil over, and put one burner out of
commission. I started again on another burner, and failed to time what
I was doing. In the end, some stuck to the bottom of the pan, but the
part on top was done, and separated and fluffed up fairly
nicely. Meanwhile, I scrambled for pans and reheated all of the
curries. I was pretty frazzled by that point, trying to clean up a bit
while moving between the salad and the burners, and in a particularly
dumb moment, sliced my thumb, so had to bandage that up.
Eventually I got it all out into serving dishes, and (aside from
the eggplant) it all turned out to be remarkably good. Six people
total, not enough to eat all of the food, but plenty for the
event. Despite the mess at the end, I wasn't as exhausted as is often
the case with these dinners, so could socialize a bit. Later served
the cake and three shrink-flated "pints" of Haagen-Dasz. (Cake recipe
suggests making orange-date ice cream, which I've done in the past,
but didn't attempt this time.)
I spent the last month thinking about this project, and now it's
done, about as well as I had hoped. I have a fair amount of unused
groceries and things, some of which I may use for a "leftovers" dinner
some time next week. I wasn't able to make the famous "tea leaf salad"
(which seems to be the "national dish"), mostly because I couldn't
find the fermented tea leaves that go into the dressing, but also I
didn't fully understand the "crunchy" mix-ins that go into it. In my
frustration, I went on Amazon and ordered the missing ingredients: a
jar of tea leaves, and a bag of "roasted beans" for the crunchy bits,
but won't get them until mid-week. The rice and curries will keep, so
that will be the new value-added to the "leftovers" dinner.
Other than that, I guess I'm ready to move on. I've barely started
my weekly blog posts, but I do have a good start on my "Top Ten
Reasons to Vote for Harris vs. Trump," so I'll move onto that
first. Also need to get the upstairs room done. I have all of the
paneling up in the closet, leaving the ceiling and the exoskeleton
trim. (Walls are plaster-on-lath, so it's hard to find studs to secure
shelves and drawers to. Plus the walls are all crooked anyway. The
paneling is mostly glued up -- temporarily being held in with screws
-- but I left gaps on all the edges, figuring I'd add 1x2 trim all
around, and I could then attach other things to the trim boards. So I
still have all the latter to do.) I should get the walls painted
either today or tomorrow, then I still need to paint the trim
(windows, doors, baseboards), which will take another day or two. Then
we can start moving back in.
Also need to get working on my jazz poll project, which will kick
off in mid-November, and take most of my time up to the end of the
year.
Published another abbreviated
Speaking of Which yesterday. Came to 212 links, 12063 words,
but I added some more stuff this morning, and may add even more
before this is posted. My computer time (listening and writing)
was limited last week, mostly by a home repair project that drags
on and on, with little hope of winding up soon. Well, maybe a
little hope: the collapsed ceiling is repaired, old wallpaper
removed, walls patched up, the bedroom walls primed, half of the
closet paneling put up, and we just got back from buying finish
paint. If I can muster the time, the paint and paneling should
be doable in 2-3 days, but I haven't been able to get many good
working shifts in, and I've repeatedly been snagged by Murphy's
law.
Plus, I have another project this week, which is being pushed
ahead by a deadline, plus the thought that it might be a lot more
fun to do. That's my annual birthday dinner, scheduled for Friday,
with at present nothing more than a concept: my first ever stab
at making Burmese cuisine. I've often picked out exotic locales
for past birthday dinners, and in my peak years managed to make
twenty-some dishes.
But I've never picked one I had so little experience with and
knew so little about. My experience is one take-out meal in New
York at least 12 years ago. The reason I can date it is because
I bought a Burmese cookbook shortly after, but it didn't have the
dish that most delighted me from the restaurant, and nothing else
really caught my eye, so I've never cooked anything from it. The
concept came from seeing that cookbook on the shelf, and thinking
maybe I should finally do something with it.
I may have made a dish or two from broader area cookbooks --
Charmaine Solomon's The Complete Asian Cookbook introduced me
to all hot spots from India through Indonesia and China to Japan --
and I've gone deep on Indian (although not necessarily Bengali),
Thai, and Chinese, which border old Burma (now Myanmar), so I expect
to be working within those parameters. But as of Tuesday afternoon,
I still don't have a menu, much less any shopping or prep done. My
only move so far has been to buy a second Burmese cookbook, plus
one that's more generically southeast Asian. (I haven't generally
been listing cookbooks in my "recent reading" roll, but added my
old Burma: Rivers of Flavor last week, so I figured I might
as well spotlight the new books as well.) Generic southeast
Asian may well be what I wind up with -- especially given that the
local grocers are mostly Vietnamese, plus a couple Indian.
I'm torn between working on the room and on the menu next, but
either option seems more enticing that diddling further on this
post. Should be enough here for any decent week.
New records reviewed this week:
Nick Adema: Urban Chaos (2023 [2024], ZenneZ): [cd]: B+(***)
JD Allen: The Dark, the Light, the Grey and the Colorful (2024, Savant): [sp]: B+(**)
Andy Baker: From Here, From There (2018 [2024], Calligram): [cd]: B+(**)
Basic: This Is Basic (2024, No Quarter): [sp]: B+(***)
Big Freedia With the Louisiana Philharmonic Orchestra: Live at the Orpheum Theater (2023 [2024], Queen Diva): [sp]: B+(***)
Anne Burnell & Mark Burnell: This Could Be the Start of Something Big (2024, Spectrum Music): [cd]: B
Late Monday night, I'm posting this, without any real sense of
where I'm at, how much I've looked at, and how much more I should
have considered. I have no introduction, and at this point can't
even be troubled to think up excuses. (Perhaps I'll write something
about that in tomorrow's Music Week -- assuming there is one: my
problem there isn't lack of records but no time, given other demands
and priorities.) One thing I am confident of is that there is a lot
of material below. Maybe I'll add more on Tuesday, but don't count
on it.
Got up Tuesday morning and before I could eat breakfast, let
alone open next week's file, I added several entries below, including
a Zachary Carter piece I had open in a tab but didn't get back to in
time.
Top story threads:
Israel's year of infamy: Given the hasty
nature of last week's
Speaking of Which, it was inevitable that I'd need another
week (or more) for one-year anniversary pieces.
Spencer Ackerman: [10-03]
The year after October 7th was shaped by the 23 years after September
11th: "9/11 gave Israel and the US a template to follow -- one
that turned grief into rage into dehumanization into mass death.
What have we learned from the so-called 'war on terror'?" That it
feels better to make the same mistakes over and over again rather
than learn from them? Worth noting that the US response to 9/11
was modeled on Israel's by-then-long war against the Palestinians
(recently escalated in the Sharon's counter-intifada, effectively
a reconquista against Palestinian Authority, which saved Hamas
for future destruction).
Haidar Eid: 10-13]
A vision for freedom is more important than ever: "We must focus
on the present as conditions in Gaza worsen daily, but a clear strategy
and political vision are crucial to inspire people around the world
as to what is possible."
A retaliatory military operation that many wizened pundits predicted
would last no more than a month or so has now thundered on in
ever-escalating episodes of violence and mass destruction for a year
with no sign of relenting. What began as a war of vengeance has become
a war of annihilation, not just of Hamas, but of Palestinian life and
culture in Gaza and beyond.
While few took them seriously at the time, Israeli leaders spelled
out in explicit terms the savage goals of their war and the
unrestrained means they were going to use to prosecute it. This was
going to be a campaign of collective punishment where every
conceivable target -- school, hospital, mosque -- would be fair game.
Here was Israel unbound. The old rules of war and international law
were not only going to be ignored; they would be ridiculed and mocked
by the Israeli leadership, which, in the days after the October 7
attacks, announced their intention to immiserate, starve, and displace
more than 2 million Palestinians and kill anyone who stood in their
way -- man, woman or child.
For the last 17 years, the people of Gaza have been living a
marginal existence, laboring under the cruel constrictions of a
crushing Israeli embargo, where the daily allotments of food allowed
into the Strip were measured out down to the calorie. Now, the
blockade was about to become total. On October 9, Israeli Defense
Minister Yoav Gallant warned: "I have ordered a complete siege on the
Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, food, or fuel; everything is
closed." He wasn't kidding.
This goes on for 14 more paragraphs, all deserving your attention,
before he descends into his usual plethora of bullet points -- dozens
of them, his attention never straying to the more pedestrian atrocities
he often (and compared to most others exceptionally) reports on. He
ends with this:
The war of revenge has become a war of dispossession, conquest and
annexation, where war crime feeds on war crime. Not even the lives
of the Israeli hostages will stand in the way; they will become
Israeli martyrs in the cause of cleansing Gaza of Palestinians. . . .
It's equally apparent that nothing Israel does, including killing
American grandmothers, college students, and aid workers, will trigger
the US government, whether it's under the control of Biden, Harris, or
Trump, to intervene to stop them or even pull the plug on the arms
shipments that make this genocidal war possible.
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor: [04-24]
200 days of military attacks on Gaza: "A horrific death toll amid
intl. failure to stop Israel's genocide of Palestinians."
Oren Yiftachel: [10-15]
Is this Israel's first apartheid war? "Far from lacking a political
strategy, Israel is fighting to reinforce the supremacist project it
has built for decades between the river and the sea." The author thinks
so, while acknowledging the long history of war that preceded this
year's war:
While its eight previous wars attempted to create new geographical
and political orders or were limited to specific regions, the current
one seeks to reinforce the supremacist political project Israel has
built throughout the entire land, and which the October 7 assault
fundamentally challenged. Accordingly, there is also a steadfast
refusal to explore any path to reconciliation or even a ceasefire
with the Palestinians.
Israel's supremacist order, which was once termed "creeping" and
more recently "deepening apartheid," has long historical roots. It
has been concealed in recent decades by the so-called
peace process, promises of a
"temporary
occupation," and claims that Israel has "no partner" to negotiate
with. But the reality of the
apartheid project has become increasingly conspicuous in recent
years, especially under Netanyahu's leadership.
Today, Israel makes no effort to hide its supremacist aims. The
Jewish Nation-State Law of 2018 declared that "the right to
exercise national self-determination in the State of Israel is
unique to the Jewish people," and that "the state views the
development of Jewish settlement as a national value." Taking
this a step further, the current Israeli government's manifesto
(known as its
"guiding
principles") proudly stated in 2022 that "the Jewish people
have an exclusive and inalienable right to all areas of the Land
of Israel" -- which, in the Hebrew lexicon, includes Gaza and the
West Bank -- and promises to "promote and develop settlement in
all parts of the Land of Israel."
My reservation here is that the "apartheid program" goes way
back, at least to 1948 when Israelis declared independence and
set up a separate judicial system for Palestinians in areas they
controlled, retaining it even after Palestinians became nominal
citizens of Israel. In effect, Israeli apartheid goes back to
the "Hebrew labor" concept adopted by Ben-Gurion's Histadrut
in the 1930s. (By the way, South Africa's
Apartheid laws were only formalized in 1950, although, as
with Israel, the roots of racist discrimination ran much deeper.
The ideas behind South Africa's legal thinking drew heavily on
America's Jim Crow laws, which were also notable sources for
Nazi Germany's race laws.) So what's new since October 7 isn't
apartheid, but the nature of the war, which has crossed over the
line from harsh enforcement to genocide: the purpose of which is
not just to punish Hamas for the insolence of rebellion, but to
purge Israel of all Palestinians:
Under the fog of this onslaught on Gaza, the colonial takeover of
the West Bank
has also accelerated over the past year. Israel has introduced
new measures of administrative annexation;
settler violence has further intensified with the backing of the
army;
dozens of new outposts have been established, contributing to the
expulsion of Palestinian communities; Palestinian cities have been
subjected to suffocating economic closures; and the Israeli army's violent
repression of armed resistance has reached levels not seen since the
Second Intifada -- especially in the refugee camps of Jenin, Nablus, and
Tulkarem. The previously tenuous distinction between Areas A, B, and C
has been completely erased: the Israeli army operates freely throughout
the entire territory.
At the same time, Israel has deepened the oppression of Palestinians
inside the Green Line and their status as
second-class citizens. It has intensified its severe restrictions
on their political activity through
increased surveillance,
arrests,
dismissals,
suspensions, and
harassment. Arab leaders are labeled "terror supporters," and the
authorities are carrying out an unprecedented wave of house demolitions --
especially in the Negev/Naqab, where the number of demolitions in 2023
(which
reached a record of 3,283) was higher than the number for Jews
across the entire state. At the same time, the police
all but gave up on tackling the serious problem of organized
crime in Arab communities. Hence, we can see a common strategy
across all the territories Israel controls to repress Palestinians
and cement Jewish supremacy.
Near the end of the article, the author points to
A Land for All: Two States One Homeland as an alternative,
and cites various pieces on
confederation. I'm not wild about these approaches, but
I'd welcome any changes that would reduce the drive of people
on both sides to kill one another.
[10-14]
Day 374: Israeli airstrike on Gaza hospital burns patients alive<:
"Israel bombed displacement shelters across Gaza and aid distribution
points in Jabalia, while Hezbollah intensified its fire on Haifa and
Tel Aviv amid Israel's continued bombardment of southern Lebanese
towns."
[10-21]
Day 381: Israel pummels northern Gaza amid intensifying extermination
campaign: "Israel's conditions for a ceasefire with Lebanon
include allowing the Israeli army to continue operating in Lebanese
territory. Meanwhile, Israel steps up its extermination campaign in
northern Gaza, targeting its last remaining hospitals."
David Dayen: [10-17]
In Israel, the war is also the goal: "Yahya Sinwar's death is
unlikely to change the situation in Gaza." This has long been
evident, but it's nice to see new people noticing:
That Netanyahu's personal and political goals vastly outweigh whatever
could resemble military goals in this war in Gaza by now has become a
cliché. Netanyahu wants to stay out of prison, and ending the war is
likely to place him there. So new missions and operations and objectives
sprout up for no reason.
Suddenly Bibi's party has mused about re-settling northern Gaza for
the first time in nearly 20 years, while transparently using
a policy of mass starvation as a way to implement it. . . .
The war has long passed any moment where Israel has any interest
in declaring victory, in the fight against terror or in the fight
for the security of its people. Even bringing up the fact of continued
Israeli hostages inside Gaza seems irrelevant at this point. The war
is actually the goal itself, a continuation of punishment to fulfill
the needs of the prime minister and his far-right political aims. The
annals of blowback indicate pretty clearly that incessant bombing of
hospitals and refugee camps will create many Yahya Sinwars, more than
who can be killed. That is not something that particularly burdens the
Israeli government. Another pretext would serve their continuing
interests.
Griffin Eckstein: [10-17]
Harris sees "opportunity to end" to Israel-Gaza war in Hamas leader
Sinwar's killing: Nice spin, especially after
Biden's me-too statement, but naive and/or disingenuous. Surely
she knows that the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan didn't end with
regime change or the later deaths of Saddam Hussein, Mullah Omar,
or Osama Bin Laden. Sure, those deaths seemed like good ideas at
the time, but by the time they happened many more people had been
killed, and more people rose from nowhere to fight back, and then
they too had to be killed, because once you -- by which I mean the
kind of people who lead countries and start wars -- start killing,
there's always more to do. Still, Harris deserves a nod for even
imagining that some other path is possible. Whether she deserves
it depends on whether she can follow through and act upon her
insight. Unfortunately, to do so would mean she has to develop
enough backbone to defy and put pressure on Netanyahu, which thus
far she hasn't risked.
Abdaljawad Omar: [10-21]
It was only their machines: on Yahya Sinwar's last stand:
"Yahya Sinwar's last stand laid bare Israel's weakness, exposing the
truth about its post-heroic army that only survives from a distance
and remains shielded by armor, unwilling to face its enemies head-on."
Steven Simon: [10-17]
The demise of Yahya Sinwar and his 'big project': "The Hamas
leader overestimated Israel's fractures and underestimated Netanyahu's
willingness to destroy Gaza." I'm not convinced that either of these
assertions are true. I tend to see his "big project" as an act of
desperation, aimed to expose Israel's brutality, as well as imposing
some measure of cost for an oppression that had become routinized
and uninteresting for most people not directly affected. It seems
highly unlikely that he underestimated Netanyahu's monstrosity,
although he might not unreasonably have expected that others, like
the US, would have sought to moderate Israel's response. But even
as events unfolded, Israel has done an immense amount of damage to
its international reputation, as has America. While it's fair to
say that Sinwar made a bad bet for the Palestinian people, the
final costs to Israel are still accumulating, and will continue
to do so as long as Netanyahu keeps killing.
Edo Konrad: [10-16]
The 'pact of silence' between Israelis and their media: "Israel's
long-subservient media has spent the past year imbuing the public
with a sense of righteousness over the Gaza war. Reversing this
indoctrination, says media observer Oren Persico, could take
decades." I've long been critical of US mainstream media sources
for their uncritical echoing of Israeli hasbara, but Israel --
where major media, 20-30 years ago, seemed to be far more open to
critically discussing the occupation than American outlets were --
has become far more cloistered. Consider this:
What Israeli journalists do not understand is that when the government
passes its
"Al Jazeera Law," it is ultimately about something much larger
than merely targeting the channel. The current law is about banning
news outlets that "endanger national security," but they also want
to give the Israeli communications minister the right to prevent any
foreign news network from operating in Israel that could "harm the
national morale." What the Israeli public doesn't understand is that
next in line is BBC Arabic, Sky News Arabic, and CNN. After that,
they're going to come for Haaretz, Channel 12, and Channel 13.
We are heading toward an autocratic, Orbán-esque regime and
everything that comes with that -- in the courts, in academia, and
in the media. Of course it is possible. It sounded unrealistic 10
years ago, then it sounded more realistic five years ago when
Netanyahu's media-related legal scandals blew up. Then it became
even more reasonable with the judicial overhaul, and even more so
today. We're not there yet, but we are certainly on the way.
[10-21]
Israel commits largest massacre yet in northern Gaza: "The siege
of north Gaza and Jabalia refugee camp enters its third week as Israel
has cut off aid to some 200,000 people. On Saturday, Israeli forces
bombed Beit Lahia, killing at least 80 Palestinians, in one of the
largest massacres in months."
Lebanon:
Dave DeCamp: [10-20]
Israel starts bombing banks in Lebanon: "The Israeli military is
targeting branches of al-Quard al-Hassan, which Israel accuses of
financing Hezbollah."
Adam Shatz: [10-11]
After Nasrallah. Long piece, lot of background on Nasrallah and
Hizbullah.
It's hard to see what strategy, if any, lies behind Israel's reckless
escalation of its war. But the line between tactics and strategy may
not mean much in the case of Israel, a state that has been at war
since its creation. The identity of the enemy changes -- the Arab
armies, Nasser, the PLO, Iraq, Iran, Hizbullah, Hamas -- but the war
never ends. Israel's leaders claim this war is existential, a matter
of Jewish survival, and there is a grain of truth in this claim,
because the state is incapable of imagining Israeli Jewish existence
except on the basis of domination over another people. Escalation,
therefore, may be precisely what Israel seeks, or is prepared to
risk, since it views war as its duty and destiny. Randolph Bourne
once said that 'war is the health of the state,' and Netanyahu and
Gallant would certainly agree.
[10-21]
Leaked documents show Israel's alleged plans for Iran attack:
"On October 18, two U.S. intelligence documents on a potential Israeli
attack on Iran were leaked, one describing shifting missile deployments,
and the other detailing possible Israeli rehearsals for a strike on
Iran."
Matt Duss: [10-17]
Yahya Sinwar's death can end this war: But it won't, because only
Netanyahu can end the war, and he doesn't want to, because there are
still Palestinians to dispossess and dispose of, and because Biden
isn't going to make it hard on him to continue. But sure, if one did
want to end the war, checking Sinwar off your "to do" list offers a
nice opportunity. On the other hand, negotiating a ceasefire with a
credible leader like Sinwar would have been even better. This piece
was cited by::
Mitchell Plitnick: [10-18]
No, the US is not 'putting pressure' in Israel to end its war:
"A letter from the Biden administration to Israel this week
threatening to possibly withhold weapons raised hopes among some,
but the delivery of a missile defense system and deployment of U.S.
soldiers sent the real message."
Sarah Leah Whitson: [09-27]
Shared zones of interest: "Harris and Trump's foreign-policy
aims in the Middle East proceed from the same incentive structures
and presuppositions about US supremacy." This is an important point,
which could be developed further.
There are two principal reasons for this. First, Harris and Trump's
worldviews are grounded in an article of faith that has undergirded
America's post-World War II foreign policy: maintaining U.S. hegemony
and supremacy. There is full agreement, as Kamala Harris recently
declared at the Democratic convention and reiterated in her debate
with former President Trump, that the U.S. must have the "most lethal"
military in the world, and that we must maintain our military bases
and personnel globally. While Trump may have a more openly mercenary
approach, demanding that the beneficiaries of U.S. protection in Europe
and Asia pay more for it, he is a unilateralist, not an isolationist.
At bottom, neither candidate is revisiting the presuppositions of U.S.
primacy.
Second, both Harris and Trump are subject to the overwhelming
incentive structure that rewards administrations for spending more
on the military and selling more weapons abroad than any other country
in the world. The sell-side defense industry has fully infiltrated the
U.S. government, with campaign donations and a revolving escalator to
keep Republicans and Democrats fully committed to promoting their
interests. The buy-side foreign regimes have gotten in on the pay-to-play,
ensuring handsome rewards to U.S. officials who ensure weapons sales
continue. And all sides play the reverse leverage card: If the U.S.
doesn't sell weapons, China and Russia (or even the U.K. and France)
will. There is no countervailing economic pressure, and little political
pressure, to force either Harris or Trump to consider the domestic and
global harms of this spending and selling.
In the Middle East, the incentive structure is at its most powerful,
combining the influence of the defense industry and the seemingly
bottomless disposable wealth of the Gulf States. And there are two
additional factors -- the unparalleled influence and control of the
pro-Israel lobby, which rewards government officials who comply with
its demands and eliminates those who don't; and Arab control over the
oil and gas spigots that determines the prices Americans pay for fuel.
As a result, continued flows of money, weapons, and petroleum will
ensue, regardless of who wins in November.
Whitson is executive director of Democracy for the Arab World
Now, after previously directing Human Rights Watch's Middle East
and North African Division from 2004 to 2020. Here are some older
articles:
Israel vs. world opinion: Although my
title is more generic, the keyword in my source file is "genocide,"
because that's what this is about, no matter how you try to style
or deny it.
Gabriel Debenedetti: Has a series of articles called
"The Inside Game":
[10-14]
David Plouffe on Harris vs. Trump: 'Too close for comfort':
"The veteran strategist on the state of play for his boss, Kamala
Harris, and what he thinks of the 'bed-wetters.'" He doesn't seem
to have much to say about anything, which may be what passes as
tradecraft in his world of high-stakes political consulting. It
does seem like an incredible amount of money is being spent on a
very thin slice of the electorate -- Plouffe is pretty explicit
on how he's only concerned with the narrow battleground states.
[09-15]
The WhatsApp Campaign: "Kamala Harris's team is looking for
hard-to-find voters just about everywhere, including one platform
favored by Latinos."
[10-02]
How Tim Walz saved himself: "At first, he looked overmatched by
JD Vance. Then came abortion, health care, and, above all, January 6."
John Morling: [10-21]
It is not too late for the Uncommitted Movement to hold Democrats
accountable for genocide: "The Uncommitted Movement voluntarily
gave up its leverage but it is not too late to hold Kamala Harris
accountable for supporting the Israeli genocide in Gaza." Yes, it
is too late. The presidential election is about many things, but
one thing it is not about is Israeli genocide. To insist that it
is overlooks both that Trump has if anything been more supportive
of genocide, and that while he was president, he did things that
directly connect to the Oct. 7 Hamas revolt, and to Netanyahu's
sense that he could use that revolt as a pretext for genocide.[*]
On the other hand, punishing Harris suggest that none of the real
differences between her and Trump matter to you. Most Democrats
will not only disagree, they will blame you for any losses.
[*] Trump moved the US embassy to Jerusalem, abandoning a major
tenet of international law. Trump ended the Iran nuclear deal. And
Trump's invention of the Abraham Accords was widely considered as
a major factor in Hamas's desperate attack.
Andrew Prokop: [10-21]
The big election shift that explains the 2024 election: "Progressives
felt they were gaining. Now they're on the defensive." A new installment
in a
Vox series the point of which seems to be to tell leftists to go
fuck themselves. As with the Levitz piece (also
hereabouts), this article is half false
and half bullshit. The false part starts with the "gaining" -- the
success of the Sanders campaigns had less to do with ideological
gains (although he made some, and continues to do so) than with his
presentation of a non-corrupt alternative to a very corrupt system),
and the adoption of some progressive thinking by Biden had more to
do with the proven failures of much neoliberal thinking under Obama
and Clinton -- and continues with the "defensive": Sanders' decision
not to challenge Biden and (later) Harris was largely a concession
to age, as well as a gesture of party unity against Trump and the
increasingly deranged Republicans, but also a sense that Harris
would be at least as willing to work toward progressive ends as
Biden had been. That Harris, having secured the nomination with no
real opposition from progressives or any other faction or interest
group, should deliberately tack toward political orthodoxy may be
disappointing to a few of us -- and in the especially urgent matters,
like Israel's wars and genocide, we still feel the need to speak
out[*] -- but the "assignment" (to use Chait's wretched phrase) is
to win the election, and that involves reaching and convincing a
majority of voters, way more than just self-conscious progressives,
in an environment and culture that are severely warped by moneyed
interests and mass media doublespeak. I'm inclined to trust that
what she's saying is based on sound research and shrewd analysis
with that one goal in mind. She's the politician, and I'm just a
critic. If she loses, I'll take what little joy I can in dissecting
her many failings, but if she wins, I can only be thankful for her
political skills, at least for a few days, until her statements
move from vote-grubbing to policy-making, in which case we critics
will have a lot of expertise to offer.
As for the left, I'm more bullish than ever. Capitalism creates
a lot of benefits, but it is also a prodigious generator of crises
and chronic maladies, and it fuels political ideologies that seek
to concentrate power but only compound and exacerbate them. Anyone
who wants to understand and solve (or at least ameliorate) thsee
systemic problems needs to look to the left, because that's where
the answers are. Granted, the left's first-generation solutions --
proletarian revolution and communism -- were a bit extreme, but over
many years, we've refined them into more modest reforms, which can
preserve capitalism's advances while making them safer, sustainable,
and ultimately much more satisfying. Post-Obama Democrats haven't
moved left but at least have opened up to the possibility that the
left has realistic proposals, and have adopted some after realizing
that politics isn't just about winning elections, it's also about
delivering tangible benefits to your voters. (Obama and Clinton no
doubt delivered tangible benefits to their donors, but neglect of
their base is a big part of the reason Trump was able to con his
way into his disastrous 2016 win.)
No problems are going to be solved on November 5. What will be
decided is who (which team) gets stuck with the problems we already
have. Republicans will not only not solve any of those problems,
they -- both judging from their track record and from their fantasy
documents like
Project 2025 (or Trump's somewhat more sanitized
Agenda47 -- they will make them much worse for most people,
and will try to lock down control so they can retain power even as
popular opinion turns against them. Democrats will be hard-pressed
to solve them too, especially if they revert to the failed neoliberal
ideologies of the Clinton-Obama years. But when decent folk do look
for meaningful change, the left will be there, with understanding
and care and clear thinking and practical proposals. Left isn't an
ideology. It's simply a direction, as we move away from hierarchy
and oppression toward liberation and equality. It only goes away
when we get there.
[*] It's not like Communists did themselves any favors when in 1939,
when after Stalin negotiated his "pact" with Hitler, they stuck to the
party line and dropped their guard against Nazi Germany. Ben-Gurion
did much better with his 1939 slogan: "We shall fight in the war
against Hitler as if there were no White Paper, but we shall fight
the White Paper as if there were no war." He ultimately succeeded
on both counts.
David Weigel: [10-15]
No matter who wins, the US is moving to the right: Prokop
cites this piece, which argues that the rightward shift of 1980-2005
had been countered by a leftward drift from 2005-20, but since 2000
the tide has shifted back to the right. His evidence is superficial,
mostly polling on language that correlates weakly with left/right.
Biden may have talked more left in 2020 because he literally stole
the nomination from Sanders, and desperately needed to shore up
left support (which he managed to do). Harris got the nomination
handed to her on a platter, with virtually no dissent from the
left, so she's been free to wheel and deal on the right, for
whatever short-term margin it might bring. But nobody on either
side thinks she's more conservative or orthodox than Biden. That's
why Republicans are in such a panic, so unmoored from reality.
Stephen Rohde: [10-07]
Why the Uncommitted and Undecided should vote for Kamala Harris:
"In sharp contrast to the lawless dictatorship Trump promises in his
second term, I urge Undecided voters to examine how Harris would
preserve democracy and continue to strengthen the United States."
He also explains that "since Uncommitted voters care about the
humanity and self-determination of the Palestinian people, Harris
is their best choice."
[10-16]
Critiquing Trump's economics -- from the right: "What one of the
right's greatest thinkers would make of Trumponomics." On Friedrich
Hayek, who saw himself as a classical liberal, and who saw everyone
else even slightly to his left as marching on "the road to serfdom."
But nothing here convinces me he would have a problem with Trump --
he was, like most of his cohort, a big Pinochet fan -- let alone that
his opinion (having been wrong on nearly everything else) should matter
to me.
Philip Bump: [10-18]
Trump's age finally catches up with him: "The man who would (once
again) be the oldest president in history has reportedly scaled back
his campaign due to fatigue. So who would run his White House?"
Zachary D Carter: [10-16]
The original angry populist: "Tom Watson was a heroic scion of the
Boston Tea Party -- and the fevered progenitor of Donald Trump's violent
fantasies." Link title was: "They say there's never been a man like
Donald Trump in American politics. But there was -- and we should
learn from him." If you're familiar with Watson, who started out as a
Populist firebrand and wound up as a racist demagogue, it's probably
thanks to C Vann Woodward, if not his 1938 biography,
Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel, then (as in my case) his 1955 book,
The Strange Career of Jim Crow. But this, of course, is mostly
about Trump.
Something important happened at the end of Trump's presidency and the
beginning of Joe Biden's. Nobody wants to talk about it -- not even
conservatives bring up masks and school closures anymore, and much of
the discourse surrounding inflation studiously avoids reference to the
massive economic disruption of COVID-19. But one of the most important
cultural artifacts of the period is the sudden spread of vaccine
skepticism to the cultural mainstream. The anti-vaxxer delusion that
vaccines cause autism has lingered at the fringes of the autism
community in no small part because it provides narrative meaning to a
difficult and random experience. There is tremendous joy in the life
of a special needs parent, but there is also a great deal of fear and
pain. Fear, because you do not know how the world will respond to your
child, and pain, because you must watch your child struggle for no
fault of their own. For many, it is more comforting to believe that
their child's hardships are not a random act of fate but a product of
deliberate malfeasance. The idea that bad things happen for bad
reasons is more palatable than the belief that they happen for no
reason at all.
It is not only anti-vaxxers who seek such comfort. Americans on
both the left and the right avert their eyes from the story of Tom
Watson not only because the story is ugly and violent but because we
insist on being able to control our own destiny. From Huck Finn to
Indiana Jones, American mythology tends to write its heroes as
variations on the story of David and Goliath -- tales of underdogs who
secure unlikely triumphs against an overbearing order. Even when that
order is part of America itself, individual heroism soothes the
audience with the promise that the world's wrongs can be righted with
enough derring-do. Horatio Alger's novels of children born into
poverty could be read as an indictment of the Gilded Age social order,
but the romance of these stories always lies in a boy taking fate by
the horns. Watson disturbs us not only because he turns to evil but
because an extraordinary leader's earnest, Herculean attempt to right
the world's wrongs comes up short. To win, he assents to the dominion
of dark forces beyond his control.
Chas Danner: [10-15]
Trump turned his town hall into a dance party after fans got sick.
This was much ridiculed by late night comics, so I've seen much of
Trump and Kristi Noem on stage, but very little of the crowd, which
is usually the definition of a "dance party." How did the crowd react
after his bumbling responses to five setup questions? It's hard to
imagine them thrilling to multiple versions of "Ava Maria," but it's
also hard to imagine them showing up for the information. I wonder
if Trump rallies aren't like "be-ins" in the 1960s, where crowds
assemble to associate with similar people and complain about the
others. Trump defines who shows up, but after that, does it really
matter what he says or does? This was a test case, but if you start
thinking everything Trump does or says is stupid, your confirmation
bias kicked in instantly, without raising the obvious next question,
why do crowds flock to such inanity? Or are they as stupid as Trump?
[10-18]
"Thirst for the spectacle of Trump's cruelty": Exploring MAGA's
unbreakable bond. Some time ago, I noted that there are two
basic types of Christians in America: those whose understanding
of their religion is to love their neighbors and seek to help them,
and those who hate their neighbors, and see religion as a way to
punish them for eternity -- it's no wonder that the latter group
have come to define Christian Republicans.
DaVega includes a long quote from Peter McLaren, then adds:
McLaren notes "Trump is speaking to an audience that since 2016
has come to share Trump's worldview, his political intuition, his
apprehension of the world, what the Germans call Weltanschauung
and has created a visceral, almost savage bond with the aspiring
dictator."
As the next step in Trump's dictator and authoritarian-fascist
plans, he is now embracing scientific racism and eugenics by telling
his followers that nonwhite migrants, refugees and "illegal aliens"
have bad genes, i.e. "a murder gene." Last Monday, Trump told
right-wing radio host Hugh Hewitt that, "You know now, a murderer --
I believe this -- it's in their genes. And we got a lot of bad genes
in our country right now." Take Trump's obsessions with good genes
and bad genes and couple them with his remarks about "purifying the
blood" of the nation by removing the human poison and other human
vermin. Historically, both in American society and other parts of
the world, people with the "bad genes" that Trump is so obsessed
with have been removed from normal society through imprisonment and
other means. Such targeted populations have also been subjected to
eliminationist violence and forced sterilization.
Sometimes I wonder if Trump's team doesn't just plant this obvious
Nazi shit to provoke recognition and reaction. They know that it
just sails past their own people, while it turns their opponents
into whiny hysterics droning on about stuff no one else understands.
Dan Froomkin: [10-20]
If Trump wins, blame the New York Times: "America's paper of
record refuses to sound the alarm about the threat Trump poses to
democracy." Sure, the Times endorsed Harris -- see [09-30]
The only patriotic choice for president -- but in such jingoistic
terms you have to wonder. Their opinion columnists are, as always,
artfully divided, but in day-to-day reporting, they do seem awfully
dedicated to keeping the race competitive (presumably the ticket to
selling more papers) and keeping their options open (as is so often
the way of such self-conscious, power-sucking elites). I've never
understood how many people actually take "the paper of record" all
that seriously. At least I've never been one.
Though braggadocio is a familiar Trump quality, much like his reluctance
to stick to his prepared remarks, he is arguably getting weirder -- and
more disturbing -- over time. Trump's speeches are so outlandish, so
false, that they often pass without much comment, as the New York
Times
reported earlier this month in a story about his age. Yet a change
is noticeable. "He rambles, he repeats himself, he roams from thought
to thought -- some of them hard to understand, some of them unfinished,
some of them factually fantastical," the Times noted, adding
that his speeches have become much longer on average, and contain
more negative words and examples of profanity than they previously
did.
Hassan Ali Kanu: [10-16]
Conservatives use Trump assassination to target women in anti-diversity
war: "It's a move to enshrine values into law, but it's not beyond
the realm of possibility." What? "The claim is one of reverse discrimination:
that the historically and presently male-dominated Secret Service
discriminates against men." Say whaaat?
[10-18]
Campaign official admits Trump "refusing interviews because he's
'exhausted'": "Trump has cancelled at least 11 campaign events
since August even as he accuses Kamala Harris of dodging media."
On the other hand, as best I recall, Trump surged in the polls in
2016 after his staff took away his Twitter handle, reducing
his exposure. So it's not clear to me that Trump gains much (other
than merch sales) from his appearances. Still, "exhausted" may not
be the message they want to convey.
Carlos Lozada: [10-13]
When Trump rants, this is what I hear: The author came to the
US when he was three, so technically he's an immigrant, a person
Trump makes rather gross generalizations about.
[10-11]
Donald Trump's campaign stops give away the game: "California and
New York are not battleground states so why is the campaign spending
time there in the final weeks?" I don't see an answer here, but I also
don't like the idea that one should only campaign in "battleground"
states. (Not that I mind that both sides take Kansas for granted: this
has been a remarkably quiet election here in Wichita, with only two
political signs out as I walk the dog around the block -- both, fwiw,
Harris/Walz.)
Chas Danner: [10-17]
Who won Kamala Harris's Fox News interview with Bret Baier?
What does "winning" even mean here? The more salient question is
who survived with their reputation intact? This is really just a
catalog of reactions, the final of which was "both sides got what
they wanted." Which is to say, if you missed it, you didn't miss
much.
David Dayen/Luke Goldstein:
Google's guardians donate to the Harris campaign: "Multiple
Harris donors at an upcoming fundraiser are representing Google
in its case against the Justice Department over monopolizing
digital advertising." I have to ask, is digital advertising
something we even want to exist? Competition makes most goods
more plentiful, more innovative, and more affordable, but if
the "good" in question is essentially bad, maybe that shouldn't
be the goal. I'm not saying we should protect Google's monopoly.
A better solution would be to deflate its profitability. For
instance, and this is just off the top of my head, you could
levy a substantial tax on digital advertising, collect most of
it from Google, and then redistribute much of the income to
support websites that won't have to depend on advertising.
Elie Honig: [11-18]
Kamala Harris has finally embraced being a cop: "The label hurt
her in 2019. Today she wears it like a badge." Reminds me a bit of
when Kerry embraced being a Vietnam War soldier. He didn't get very
far with that.
Robert Kuttner: [10-09]
Notes for Harris: "It's good that Kamala Harris is doing more
one-on-one interviews, because she's getting a lot better at it.
Still, she occasionally misses an opportunity." E.g., "Harris could
point out that the administration has made a difference by challenging
collusion and price-gouging, in everything from prescription drugs
to food wholesalers."
Matthew Stevenson: [10-18]
Harris: Speed dating Howard Stern: I was surprised last week
to find the "shock jock and satellite-radio wit" endorsing Harris
last week, probably because I have zero interest or curiosity in
him, and may know even less.
Walz, Biden, and other Democrats:
Avishay Artsy/Sean Rameswaram: [10-21]
Why Wisconsin Democrats are campaigning in places where they can't
win: "To win statewide, the party wants to "lose by less" in
rural areas." That's good advice everywhere. Especially as Democrats
actually have a better proposition for rural voters than Republicans
have.
Ed Kilgore: [10-19]
Four good reasons Democrats are terrified about the 2024 election:
I wasn't sure where to fire this, but the reasons turn out to mostly
reside in Democrats' heads. Nothing here suggests that Democrats are
more likely to lose. It's just that if they lose, the consequences
will be far worse than whatever setbacks Republicans might suffer in
another Trump loss:
Democrats remember 2016 and 2020
Democrats fear Trump 2.0 more than Republicans fear Harris
Only one party is threatening to challenge the election results
If Harris wins, she'll oversee a divided government; if Trump
wins, he'll have a shot at total power
Eric Levitz: [10-17]
The Democrats' pro-union strategy has been a bust: "Despite
Joe Biden's historically pro-union policies, the Democrats' share
of the union vote is falling." First question is: is this true?
(Actually, either "this": the falling vote share, or the "pro-union"
policies.) Second question is would be anti-union (like Republicans)
win or lose votes? Most of the people who are locked into Republican
positions (e.g., guns, abortion) are so distrustful of Democrats no
amount of pandering can move them, but giving up positions that are
popular among Democrats can lose face and faith, and that can hurt
you more than you can possibly gain, even if there is no meaningful
alternative. Third point is who cares? If standing up for unions is
the right thing to do, why equivocate with polling? We live in a
country where the rich have exorbitant power, where unions are one
of the few possible countervailing options. Extreme inequality is
corroding everything, from democracy to the fabric of everyday life.
More/stronger unions won't fix that, but they'll help, and that's
good in itself, as well as something that resonates with other
promising strategies. Fourth, if you're just polling union members,
you're missing out on workers who would like to join a union if
only they could. Are your "pro-union" policies losing them? Or
are they offering hope, and a practical path to a better life?
On some level, Democrats and Republicans are fated to be polarized
opposites, each defined by the other and stuck in its identity. A
couple more pieces on labor and politics this year:
Sharon Block/Benjamin Sachs: [10-16]
The truth about the parties and labor: "You need only look at
the state level to understand who supports workers and who doesn't."
Steven Greenhouse: [10-15]
Sean O'Brien's tantrum against the Democrats: "He appears to be
hoping for a Trump victory, which would be a disaster for the
Teamsters, but just maybe good for him."
Erik Loomis: [09-26]
Preserving public lands: "Deb Haaland has been a remarkable
secretary of the interior. But the future is about funding in
Congress."
Hassan Ali Kanu: [10-15]
America's judicial divisions: "Every major policy issue is now
also a courtroom battle, decided in increasingly partisan settings.
And there's no end in sight." This is a good overview of an effect
Millhiser has been writing about case-by-case for years: right-wing
plaintiffs and Red State attorneys general shopping for favorable
judges willing to impose horrific rulings on the rest of the nation.
Kacsmaryk's mifepristone ruling is just one glaring case example.
Ian Millhiser:
[10-16]
The nightmare facing Democrats, even if Harris wins: "If Harris wins,
the Republican Party will almost certainly be able to veto anything she
does, thanks to our broken Constitution." She'll also have to contend
with thousands of lobbyists, including many with hooks deep into her
own party -- and given her billion dollar campaign warchest, most likely
into her as well -- as the Constitution isn't the only thing broken in
American politics.
Alex Abad-Santos: [10-11]
For some evacuation defiers, Hurricane Milton is a social media
goldmine: "They didn't listen to Hurricane Milton evacuation
orders. Then they posted through it." This reminds me of the hype
that "shock and awe" would win the war against Iraq, because all
it would take is one awesome demonstration of force to get Iraqis
to drop their arms and surrender. Problem was: the people who were
truly shocked were dead, and the rest survived not just the bombs
but the hype, making them think they were invincible.
Robert Kuttner: [10-15]
How hurricanes are a profit center for insurers: "To compensate
for exaggerated expectations of claims, they jack up rates and hollow
our coverage, giving themselves more profit than before." As long
as the market will bear it, and up to the point when they really do
go bankrupt. This is, of course, the kind of profiteering business
schools teach their students to be shameless about.
Business, labor, and Economists:
Dean Baker: Quite a bit to catch up with here, as
he always has good points to make. In trying to figure out how
far I needed to go back, I ran across this tweet I had noted:
"Part of the job of a progressive government is to shift the
public narrative towards the idea that the state can improve
people's lives." I'll add that the point here is not to convince
you that government is good or benign, but that it belongs to
you and everyone else, and can be used to serve your interests,
as far as they align with most other people (or, as the US
Constitution put it, to "promote the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"). While
progressives initially do this by advancing reasoned argument,
they also need to put it into practice whenever possible, and
actually do things to "promote the general welfare and secure
the blessings of liberty." You hear much about "democracy" these
days, but knows this: democracy makes good government possible,
but only works if/when people realize they have the power to
direct it. Also, make sure to check out Baker's free book,
Rigged.
The New York Times picks an atypical worker to tell a story
about a divided economy.
It's hard for recent college grads to find jobs even when
their unemployment rate is near a twenty-year low.
The two-full time job measure of economic hardship
The retirement crisis
The collapsing saving rate
Young people will never be able to afford a home
He adds:
Those are my six favorites, but I could come up with endless more
pieces, like the CNN story on the family that drank massive amounts
of milk who suffered horribly when milk prices rose, or the New York
Times piece on a guy who used an incredible amount of gas and was
being bankrupted by the record gas prices following the economy's
reopening.
There are also the stories that the media chose to ignore, like
the record pace of new business starts, the people getting big pay
increases in low-paying jobs, the record level of job satisfaction,
the enormous savings in commuting costs and travel time for the
additional 19 million people working from home (almost one eight
of the workforce).
The media decided that they wanted to tell a bad economy story,
and they were not going to let reality get in the way.
[09-26]
The economy after the GDP revisions: "Basically, they tell us
a story of an economy that has performed substantially better since
the pandemic than we had previously believed."
The highlights are:
An economy that grew substantially more rapidly than previously
believed and far faster than other wealthy countries
Substantially more rapid productivity growth, suggesting more
rapid gains in wages and living standards and a smaller burden of
the national debt;
Higher income growth than previously reported, with both more
wages and more profits;
A higher saving rate, meaning that the stories about people
having to spend down their savings were nonsense.
There were also a couple of not-so-good items:
A higher profit share that is still near a post-pandemic peak;
A lower implicit corporate tax rate, although still well above
the 2019 level.
[10-05]
Automation is called "productivity growth". As he points out,
productivity growth was long regarded as a universal good thing,
until the 1980s, when businesses found they could keep all of the
profits, instead of sharing with workers.
Anyhow, this is a big topic (see Rigged, it's free), but the
idea that productivity growth would ever be the enemy is a bizarre
one. Automation and other technologies with labor displacing potential
are hardly new and there is zero reason for workers as a group to fear
them, even though they may put specific jobs at risk.
The key issue is to structure the market to ensure that the benefits
are broadly shared. We never have to worry about running out of jobs.
We can always have people work shorter hours or just have the government
send out checks to increase demand. It is unfortunate that many have
sought to cultivate this phony fear.
I will say that by any historical standard the labor market is doing
pretty damn good. It could be better, but a low unemployment rate and
rapidly rising real wages is a better story than any incumbent
administration could tell since -- 2000, oh well.
I would put more stress here on "it could be better" than on the
seemingly self-satisfied "pretty damn good." I'd also stress the
options: that Republicans and business lobbyists have obstructed
reforms that would help more (and in some cases virtually all) people,
and that the key to better results is electing more Democrats -- who
may still be too generous to the rich, but at least consider everyone
else.
[10-14]
CNN tells Harris not to talk about the economy. CNN is not
the only "neutral news outlet" to have persistently trashed the
economic success of the Biden-Harris administration, but they
have been particularly egregious. It's almost as if they have
their own agenda.
The goal for Democrats in pushing their many economic successes
(rapid job creation, extraordinarily low unemployment, real wage
growth, especially at the lower end of the wage distribution, a
record boom in factory construction) is to convince a small
percentage of the electorate that this is a record to build on.
By contrast, Donald Trump seems to push out a new whacked out
proposal every day, with the only constants being a massive tax
on imports and deporting a large portion of the workforce in
agriculture and construction.
Given the track record of the Biden-Harris administration
compared with the craziness being pushed by Donald Trump, it is
understandable that backers of Donald Trump would not want Harris
to talk about the economy. But why would a neutral news outlet
hold that view?
Sarah Jones: [Fall 2024]
In the shadow of King Coal: "While the coal industry is in terminal
decline, it still shapes the culture of central Appalachia."
Robert Kuttner: [10-18]
Redeeming the Nobel in economics: "This year's prize went to three
institutionalist critics of neoliberalism. The award is overdue."
Daren Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A Robinson. The latter two
were co-authors with Acemoglu of books like Why Nations Fail: The
Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (2012), and Power and
Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity
(2023). Johnson was also co-author, with James Kwak, of one of the
first notable books to come out of the 2008 financial meltdown: 13
Bankers: The Wall Street Takeover and the Next Financial Meltdown
(2010).
Van Jackson: I just ran across him today, but he has
several books I should have noticed by now, and a Substack newsletter
that I'll cite below. He describes himself as "a one-time 'defense
intellectual' and a longtime creature of the national security state,"
but also "on the left," albeit only in a "vague cosmopolitanism and
an antiwar sensibility, yet reflexively in support of the going
concerns of the Democratic Partly, including (paradoxically) military
primacy."
Whizy Kim: [10-16]
Is every car dealer trying to rip me off? "Why buying a car is
the worst kind of shopping." Cited here because after 18 years I'm
in the market for a new car, and because I've been for 2-3 years
without ever managing to put the time and effort into it. I've only
bought one used and four new cars in my life, and the new car I
spent the least time shopping for was by far the worst -- the
others were pretty good deals on pretty good cars. But I've seen
a lot of crap like this, and it pays to beware.
Fred Kaplan: [10-15]
Bob Woodward's latest book tells the story of America's declining
leverage in the world. Link title was "Bob Woodward's new book
is about Biden, but the most urgent takeaways are about Trump."
This is just more proof of the truly ridiculous extent to which
Trump has dominated our minds since 2015. Nearly four years out
of office, it still feels like he's the incumbent, to no small
extent because most of our regrets and great fears of the moment
are directly traceable back to him, but because of his amazing
(and I'll use the word "ridiculous" again here) domination of
the noosphere (apologies for using a word almost everyone will
have to look up, so I can at least save you that trouble: per
Merriam-Webster: "the sphere of human consciousness and mental
activity especially in regard to its influence on the biosphere
and in relation to evolution"). In short, he's in our heads, as
intractable as an earworm, and several orders of magnitude more
disturbing. I've been struggling with trying to narrow down "the
top ten reasons for voting for Harris against Trump," but number
one has to be: MAKE IT STOP!
Returning to the book, Kaplan writes a bit about Biden:
Woodward's style of storytelling is more episodic than structural.
Chapters tend to run for just a few pages. His mantra tends to be
"And then . . . and then . . . and then . . . " as opposed to "And
so . . . and so . . . and so . . ." Still, the stories here hang
together, more than they usually do, because of their underlying
thread -- as the title suggests, the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, and
how Biden and his team dealt with them.
For the most part, Woodward is impressed, concluding that they
engaged in "genuine good faith efforts" to "wield the levers of
executive power responsibly and in the national interest," adding,
"I believe President Biden and this team will be largely studied in
history as an example of steady and purposeful leadership."
Needless to say at this point, I disagree with nearly everything
that Biden has done in the foreign policy arena, but Woodward's
wording here -- "good faith efforts," "steady and purposeful
leadership" -- betrays the subtext, where the baseline for praise
is "at least he's not Trump." So I can get the point, without
having to agree with the particulars. Kaplan continues:
This is an uncharacteristically bold assertion for any author, much
less Woodward, who, throughout his 50-year career, has been the less
judgmental half of the Woodward and Bernstein team that broke the
Watergate scandal and brought down Richard Nixon. In a
Playboy interview back in 1989, he admitted that analysis wasn't
his strong point; it still isn't. But heading into his ninth decade,
with nearly two dozen books under his belt, it seems he feels entitled --
properly so -- to render some verdicts from journalism's high bench.
He dangled his new assertiveness in 2020, on the eve of that year's
election, when he wrote, as the last line in Rage, "Donald Trump is the
wrong man for the job." The next year, after Trump's defeat, he ended
Peril by musing, "What is your country? What has it become under
Trump?"
And even in War, where Trump plays a cameo role as he mulls
making another run for the White House, Woodward declares, just before
touting Biden's legacy, "Donald Trump is not only the wrong man for the
presidency, he is unfit to lead the country."
Meme quote from Michelle Wolf: "You know in High School if you
didn't believe in Science or History, it was just called failing."
I got this from a Facebook
thread, with several interesting comments, including this one from
Clifford Ocheltree:
I shall only point to an earlier remark, the failure of our educational
system to teach critical thinking. To be skeptical in the absence of
that learned skill is pure ignorance. I would add that perception plays
a critical role in how an uneducated populace becomes 'skeptical,'
'credulous' and 'easily duped.' We are, we have become, the product of
a failed educational system. One in which the vast majority of the
population cannot read directions on a bottle of aspirin or name the
three branches of the Federal Government. These failures allow both
parties to play fast and loose with history and science knowing full
well the audience isn't likely to 'get it.'
Ocheltree also addressed history: "History is the interpretation
of fact by 'experts' who bring their own bias." Someone else picked
this up, noting "I can't help laugh at the notion of your feigning
disdain for history" then asking "why do you lap up so many history
books?" Ocheltree replied:
Fact and history are not the same thing. Most 'experts' (historians)
have a bias and view 'facts' through that lens. Nearly 50 years ago
I read an excellent book by Frances Fitzgerald, "America Revised:
History Schoolbooks in the Twentieth Century" (1979). A discussion
and analysis of how history teaching and texts had changed over the
years. At times the result of new information coming to light and
at others the outgrowth of changing social standards or political
leanings. Some 20 years ago I discovered some 'facts' while researching.
Trial testimony with supporting documentation (original records) in
a Virginia court house basement. At a conference I had some time to
speak with the author of the leading text(s) being used on the topic
by any number of colleges. I shared my findings, privately, as they
disproved a good chunk of his work. His response in short? Nobody
will give a shit that I was wrong, my text is the accepted standard
and will always be paramount because it makes my point.
I would add, history and record reviews are much the same. The
author collects 'facts,' the critic listens. Each applies his/her
own bias. The idea that anyone would accept an authors' work(s) as
'unbiased' strikes me as a failure of our education system. Steven
Pinker's recent work has focused on the utter lack of training
students in the basics of critical thinking. I 'lap up' history
books with a jaundiced eye. I love the topic but learned many
years ago, just because a book has been issued isn't 'proof' that
it is accurate.
Hardin Smith, who started this thread, added:
Who said fact and history are the same thing? I sure didn't. But
that doesn't mean it's not worth studying and it doesn't mean that
it doesn't behoove people to have a working knowledge of it. And
certainly you'd agree that there are certain things that we can
all agree on, or at least on the general outlines. Here's a question:
if so much of what you read is biased, whose work are you using to
make that judgment? Is there a higher unbiased source you go to?
And, are there certain historical events that we can all agree to?
The Holocaust, the Moon Landing, Trump's loss in '20? Or is everything
in your world subjective opinion? Also, history is not like record
reviews, sorry. Record reviews are totally based on opinion, but
though there may be bias, history at least concerns itself with
actual facts. It's a subjective interpretation of actual facts.
There's never completely removing bias in anything produced by
humans, but I'd submit to you that some are more biased than others.
Some are relatively free of bias. None of it means that history
isn't worth knowing.
It's tempting to go all philosophical here, and argue that it's
all biased, all subjective, at best assertions that are subject to
independent verification -- same for record reviews, although the
odds of being rejected by other subjectives there are much elevated
compared to science, which has a longer history of refinement and
consensus building (not that similar processes don't apply to record
reviewing). Still, not much disagreement here. Smith seems to find
it important to maintain a conceptual division between opinion and
fact, between subjective and objective, which I find untenable and
not even necessary (although it's easy to fall into when arguing
with idiots -- which is why Wolf's joke is so cutting).
This leads us back to the importance of critical thinking,
which is ultimately a process of understanding one's own biases --
starting, of course, with exposing the biases of others. (Much
like crazy people developed psychoanalysis to understand, and
ultimately to master, their own neuroses.)
Ali Abunimah: [10-21]
In April, under pressure from "Israel," @amazon banned the sale of
The Thorn and the Carnation, the novel by Palestinian resistance
leader Yahya Sinwar.
You can still buy copies of Hitler's Mein Kampf from Amazon,
in multiple languages.
Several updates of note. Birthday coming up next week, so I've been
thinking about another kaleidoscopic dinner feast. We haven't had many
of late, which has more to do with my isolation than with the 80
lbs. I've dropped over the last year. (The weight has always had more
to do with junk food comforts than with my more ambitious cooking --
not that I didn't get a bump last birthday [2 lbs] or when my brother
visited a few weeks back [3 lbs].) But cooking seems to be one of the
few things I still have reasonable skills for, so I could benefit from
the exercise. But what was the question I've been mulling over. Early
on, I explored other-world cuisines -- started with Chinese, Indian,
Turkish -- then wandered all around (Spanish, Greek, Thai, Moroccan,
Hungarian, Mexican, Korean, Russian, Cuban) before finally tackling
French a few years ago, but lately I've mostly been doing trad
American fare (one was classic fried chicken, another was just burgers
on homemade buns). I've never done a proper Italian, but I've done
enough there that the element of discovery is past; also I despair of
finding the veal I crave, and I've never got the hang of making my own
pasta. One idea was to just pick a book from my shelf that I've never
really used, and see what I can make of it. Duguid's "Burma" jumped
out at me. I bought it in 2012, after my only experience with a
Burmese restaurant (in NYC, actually just take-out): I got an
extraordinary mango pickle curry, but it turned out that my purchase
didn't provide the recipe, so I let the book languish. I presented
this (and several other ideas) to Laura. She endorsed Burma, so that's
what we'll be doing. I've ordered a second Burmese cookbook for the
occasion ("Burmese Superstar") which does have the recipe, and another
on Indonesia ("Cradle of Flavor") for good measure. (Maybe Indonesian,
which I've dabbled in, will be next -- I've long dreamed of
duplicating the amazing rijsttafel spread we've enjoyed several
times.) But before I can cook I still need to wrap up the upstairs
bedroom/closet project. I'm finally ready to start painting the room
today, and also to start putting the paneling up in the closet. So I'm
hoping to see some rapid progress, after several miserable weeks of
patching plaster and sanding. More on that later.
I originally wrote "social atrophy" where you now see "my isolation."
Edit was after Laura objected about me complaining that "we have no
friends." Of course, we do still have friends, some very dear, but
that's mostly due to Laura's efforts, which certainly I benefit from,
and I fear contribute little to, other than the occasional dinner.
Looking back through my Facebook record, which isn't complete but
hits the high points, I noted the following dinners, starting with
last birthday:
October 27, 2023: Birthday dinner, Spanish-themed, mariscada in
green sauce.
November 3, 2023: Post-birthday leftovers, including a couple new
dishes that had been cut from the original.
So, ten dinners in the past year, although the big gap was last winter,
November to April, and the pace has picked up of late, especially with
the "inventory reduction" concept. So the first half of the year may have
had something to do with the diet. Attendance was usually 4-6, although
we had more for last birthday (10 is about our practical limit). Once
in a while, I cook for just the two of us, but those times didn't get
registered. Also possible that there were a couple more occasions
without photos (two of the above were "leftover" plates), but nothing
major.
I finally added this comment:
I went through my Facebook posts and counted out 10 dinners starting
from last year's birthday, which was mostly Spanish, starting with the
mariscada in green sauce, and counting a leftover tapas dinner a week
later. After that, there is a gap until Steven Hull came to visit in
April, with the pace picking up recently due to my "inventory
reduction" campaign. All, by the way, were well-attended, and everyone
seemed to leave pleased.
Finally making what feels like progress on the upstairs bedroom
and closet project. Last night, I finished masking around the trim
and baseboards, so I'm almost ready to paint primer. The "almost"
is because I left a couple of rough spots for further sanding, and
added a bit of spackle that will also need a brief sand. I've been
unhappy with my random orbital sander, which no longer reliably
holds the hook-and-loop discs. I ordered a new pad from Amazon,
and I'm waiting on delivery today. But mostly I've been getting
by with hand sanding. I figure there's less than an hour of prep
work. I haven't masked the ceiling off, as it's new, and the guy
who put it up and painted it primed the walls down a few inches,
so I should just blend into his work. Not sure whether I'll mask
the ceiling off for the finish paint, or just use an edge guide.
In any case, we still have to buy wall and trim paint.
Also did most of my sanding in the closet. As I write this,
I still need to make one pass around the bottom walls, and take
a look for anything else. Lots of things are still rather ugly
there, but it won't show through paneling like it would with
paint. I'm also reconciled to the walls being curved. They
just have to be flat enough for the panels to stick. Also,
only one wall has an edge to match, plus one piece of ceiling.
I'm going to add 1x2 trim boards to cover up the seams, so I
have a lot of leeway to work with. Only possible problem is
that I have a 50-inch wall, which I could center a 48-inch
panel on (trimming both ends), or offset and cut a thin strip
for filler (which would be covered by trim).
Biggest problem will be maneuvering the panels into place,
especially the big ones. All have to be contorted to get through
the door. One has to be slid behind some existing wires (previously
in a piece of blue plastic conduit, which I've ripped out, giving
me some maneuver room, but I'm not sure it's enough. In that one
case, I'll probably have to glue the wall instead of the board.
One idea I have is to press the glue down then secure the edges
with screws in drilled holes (we're going into plaster on lath).
Once the glue is set, I can remove the screws, add the trim boards
(which will cover the holes), and screw them on securely. The trim
boards will not only secure the paneling, but will give me a frame
for adding shelves, drawers, etc.
I'm sitting the panels on top of the baseboards, so I'm not
really doing anything to the latter. (Repainting them will be a
later option.) I'll caulk around the bottom edges, and/or cover
the edges up with molding. I'm going to need to do something
like that around the big bookcase, which stops two inches below
the ceiling. It wasn't a problem before, but looks bad now.
Saw this link:
The best album of the century so far, according to critics. Plus, see
the rest of the top 50. "Story by Ellen Wulfhorst, Katrina Sirotta."
Critics? Ranking is derived from Metacritic's metascores, so would be
more accurate to say "according to algorithms." Labels mostly came from
picture credits, but I've corrected a few. I'm not feeling a huge urge
to bracket my grades, as I often do. Probably a dozen albums I haven't
heard yet.
Still, good enough for a checklist:
Wadada Leo Smith: Ten Freedom Summers (2012, Cuneiform)
Fiona Apple: Fetch the Bolt Cutters (2020, Epic)
Muncie Girls: From Caplan to Belsize (2016, Specialist Subject)
Brian Wilson: Smile (2004, Nonesuch)
Loretta Lynn: Van Lear Rose (2004, Interscope)
The Wonder Years: The Greatest Generation (2013, Hopeless)
Kendrick Lamar: To Pimp a Butterfly (2015, Top Dawg/Aftermath)
Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds: Ghosteen (2019, Bad Seed)
David Lang: The Little Match Girl Passion (2009, Harmonia Mundi)
William Boyd asked "How often do you update Xgau's website?" I answered:
There are two pieces to the website, therefore two answers. There are
a bunch of flat files, hand-coded in PHP (a scripting language for web
pages, so mostly HTML and CSS, plus a few functions for common things,
like page layout, headers, and footers). I update those files whenever
I add a new notice to the news and RSS rolls, usually 8-24 hours after
Christgau posts something on Substack, sometimes (if I'm really
distracted) up to 3 days. The Substack files are included in the
update, but have time locks -- 9 months for CG files, 30 days for
everything else, but since the files are always there, the locks will
open on schedule. But there is also a MySQL database, which has all of
the consumer guide reviews and their indexing, a table of (almost) all
of the flat files, and cross-referencing links between them. I update
this much less frequently, and at the moment this database is pretty
old. I've been maintaining my local copy, which at the moment lacks
the October CG and maybe 6-9 months of page links and cross
references. A few weeks ago, I was thinking I was real close to doing
an update, but then I got swamped in other work. It shouldn't be much
longer, but I'm still very much swamped. The database update is much
trickier than the flat files, and because I do it much less often, I
have to consult notes to make sure I'm doing all the right things in
just the right order, so I need to find a couple hours where I'm
clear-headed enough to do things like that. I'll also note that
Christgau almost never complains about my chronic tardiness, and
therefore inadvertently encourages it. I do much better responding to
pressure/events than self-directing (where this is one of dozens of
things I seemingly never get to). For instance, I took the time to
respond here, because you asked. I usually make corrections to the
website within a day or two after being asked -- although it may, as
you've seen, take months before the website piece gets
updated. (Actually, sometimes I do go ahead and patch the database
without doing a full update. Depends on how simple the change is.)
I also added this:
By the way, I have an email list for technical discussions about my
websites (mostly Christgau's, but also occasionally about my other
ones). I've been using it very infrequently when I have something more
techy that I want to explain and/or elicit some commentary on, but if
you'd like to lurk, or maybe even comment, send me email (don't reply
here; if you can't find my email you're unlikely to be of much help),
and we'll discuss it further. I've long had plans for a fairly major
revision of the website, which right now seems unlikely anytime soon,
but it was originally written in HTML 3.1 (with whatever CSS was then
current; HTML seems to have stabilized at 5, with DOM and much-changed
CSS), PHP 3 (now 8), MySQL 3 (now 8), using ISO-8859-1 (now should be
UTF-8), with no Javascript (which I still regard as yucky but
supposedly has its uses), no cookies, no lots of other things. Lots of
things have been patched to keep it working, and new pages are all
HTML 5 compliant, but the foundations need rethinking, even if the
basic model and design seems sound. In the meantime, I may use the
mail list for some discussions of a possible Francis Davis site,
although if that develops it will probably merit its own list.
Rather bizarrely, Facebook converted "8" (as in "PHP 8") to a
happy-face emoji, so I had to edit the text. It now occurs to me
that the conversion was for "8)," which I broke up by changing
it to "8.?)." Had I realized that at the time, I could have just
put a space after the "8" and made it look like a dumb typo. I
wouldn't say I'm emojiphobic, but I've never integrated emojis
into my thinking, let alone my vocabulary.
I had the thought of writing up a "top ten reasons for voting for
Kamala Harris and the Democrats this year," but haven't gotten much
further than considering the possibility of adding a second list of
"top five reasons why voting for Kamala Harris and the Democrats
won't be enough." The former is obviously dominated by how bad the
Republican offerings are, although you still have to establish that
at least in some significant respects, Democrats are preferable. If
you can't show that, you can't reject the "third party" option. The
second list might even help there, in that most of my reservations
are about programs that don't go far enough. The exceptions there
are Israel/Palestine and Russia/Ukraine, where Harris doesn't go
anywhere at all.
So while I have zero doubt that I will vote for Harris/Walz, and
most likely for every other Democrat who bothers to run here in Kansas,
I've spent most of my time here dealing with the pressing issues of
war, which the election will have little obvious impact on. The best
hope I can offer is a mere hunch that Harris has locked herself into
a Netanyahu dittohead position out of the calculated fear that any
sign of wavering might precipitate a sudden pro-Israel shift toward
Trump, and scuttle her campaign, but that once she wins, she'll have
more room to maneuver behind the scenes, and ease back toward the
more viable ground of decency. In any case, decency isn't even an
incidental prospect with Trump.
Monday night, I ended this arbitrarily, with little sense of how
much more I didn't get to.
Israel's media have acted this way for years. They conceal the
occupation and whitewash its crimes. No one orders them to do this; it
is done willingly, out of the understanding that this is what their
consumers want to hear. For the commercial media, that is the top and
foremost consideration. In this way Israel's media have become the
most important agent for dehumanization of the Palestinians, without
the need for censorship or a government directing it to do so. The
media take on this role in the knowledge that this is what their
customers want and expect of it. They don't want to know anything
about what their state and army are carrying out, because the best way
to be at peace with the reality of occupation, apartheid and war is
with denial, suppression and dehumanization.
There is no more effective and tried means to keep alive an
occupation so brutal and cruel as dehumanization via the
media. Colonialist powers have always known this. Without the
systematic concealment, over dozens of years, and the dehumanization,
it may well be that public opinion would have reflected greater
opposition to the situation among Israelis. But, if you don't say
anything, don't show anything, don't know anything and have no desire
to know anything, either, if the Palestinians are not truly human --
not like us, the Israelis -- then the crime being committed against
them goes down easier, can be tolerated.
The October 7 war brought all of this to new heights. Israel's media
showed almost nothing of what was happening in Gaza, and Israelis saw
only their own suffering, over and over, as if it was the only
suffering taking place. When Gazans counted 25,000 fatalities in less
than four months, most of them innocent noncombatants, in Israel there
was no shock. In fact, shock was not permitted, because it was seen as
a type of disloyalty. While in Gaza 10,000 children were killed,
Israelis continued to occupy themselves exclusively with their
captives and their own dead. Israelis told themselves that all Gazans
were Hamas, children included, even the infants, and that after
October 7, everyone was getting just what they deserved, and there was
no need to report on it. Israelis sank into their own disaster, just
theirs.
The absence of reporting on what was happening in Gaza constituted
the Israeli media's first sin. The second was only slightly less
egregious: the tendency to bring only one voice into the TV studios
and the pages of the printed press. This was a voice that supported,
justified and refused to question the war. Any identification with the
suffering in Gaza, or worse, any call to end the war because of its
accumulating crimes, was not viewed as legitimate in the press, and
certainly not by public opinion. This passed quietly, even calmly, in
Israel.
In Israel, people were fine with not having to see Gaza. The Jewish
left only declined in size, great numbers of people said they had the
scales removed from their eyes -- that is, October 7 led to their
awakening from the illusion, the lies, the preconceptions they had
previously held. It was sufficient for a single cruel attack for many
on the left to have their entire value system overturned. A single
cruel attack was sufficient to unite Israelis around a desire for
revenge and a hatred not only of those who had carried out that
attack, but of everyone around them. No one considered what might be
taking place in the hearts and minds of the millions of Palestinians
who have been living with the occupation's horrors for all these
dozens of years.
What kind of hatred must exist there, if here in Israel such hatred
and mistrust could sprout up after a single attack, horrific as it may
have been. This "waking up" among the left has to raise serious
questions about its seriousness and resilience. This wasn't the first
time that the left crumbled in the face of the first challenge it
encountered.
I've long been struck by the fickleness of the "peace camp" in
Israel: in particular, by how quickly people who should know better
rally behind Israeli arms at the slightest provocation. Amos Oz
and David Grossman are notorious repeat-offenders here, but the
effect is so common that it can only be explained by some kind of
mass psychology so deep-seated that it can be triggered any time
some faction sees an opportunity for war.
Top story threads:
Israel's year of infamy:
Mondoweiss: A
website founded by Philip Weiss which has moved beyond its origins
as a vehicle for progressive Jews to express their misgivings about
Israel by providing an outlet for a wide range of Palestinian voices,
this has long been my first stop for news about Israel/Palestine, and
has been extraordinarily invaluable over the past year. Here's their:
Palestinians reflect: One year of genocide:
Michael Arria: [10-10]
A year of genocide, a year of protest: "Despite the horror we
are watching unfold in Palestine, the movement challenging Israel
has seen unprecedented growth and accomplishments in the past
year." A reminder that every action produces a reaction -- perhaps
not "opposite and equal," but things have a way of settling out
over time.
It has exposed the enduring colonial nature of international law
This is a U.S. genocide of Palestinians
Universities are an extension of the state's coercive apparatus
Zionism has no moral legs to stand on
Racism and power -- the invisibility and power of Palestinians
Tareq S Hajjaj: [10-07]
After October 7, my home became a bag I carry with me: "I have
lived through my own Nakba and understand why thousands of Palestinians
fled their homes in 1948. I made the most difficult decision of my life
and left Gaza, not knowing that what I carried might be all I will ever
possess of my homeland."
Reem A Hamadaqa: [10-07]
My martyrs live on: "Out from under the rubble, I see my martyrs
waving for me. They all stand again. They smile. They live. They go
back home."
Hebh Jamal: [10-10]
The Gaza I knew is gone with our martyrs: "We do not fight for
Palestine for our family. I am no longer clinging to the hope of
reunification and survival. We fight for Palestine because the
liberation of its people means the liberation of us all."
Ghada Karmi: [10-08]
The true lesson of October 7 is that Israel cannot be reformed:
"The year since October 7 has shown us that Israel can neither
be accommodated nor reformed. It must be dismantled, and Zionism
must be brought to an end. Only this will finally alleviate the
Palestinians' terrible ordeal over the past 76 years." This is
an argument that I instinctively dislike and recoil from, but I
do take the point that it is incumbent on Israelis to show that
they are open to reform, the first step to which would be the
recognition that they have done wrong, and the resolve to stop
doing so, and to start making amends. Whether they can salvage
some sense of Zionist legacy is an open question. The strands of
thought and culture that drove Israel to genocide are woven deep
in their history, and won't be easy to dispose of, but I wouldn't
exclude all hope that Israel might recover.
Qassam Muaddi: [10-09]
After a year of extermination, Palestine is still alive:
"Palestinians have endured 76 years of the Nakba and now the 2024
genocide. Despite Israel and the West's desire to erase our existence,
we continue to declare, 'We won't leave.'"
Salman Abu Sitta: [10-07]
From ethnic cleansing to genocide: "I am a survivor of the 1948
Nakba who lived to witness the 2024 genocide. I may not live to see
justice be made, but I am certain our long struggle will be rewarded.
Our grandchildren will live at home once again."
Alice Austin: [10-07]
A year after the Nova massacre, survivors are still paralyzed with
grief: "The Nova festival was the site of October 7's largest
massacre. Now, survivors and the families of those murdered are
suing the state for negligence." One section head here is in quotes:
"It's impossible to heal, because it's never-ending." But the
massacre itself ended almost as quickly as it started. What has
never ended has been the political use and psychological abuse
of that massacre as a pretext for genocide. End that, and everyone
can start healing.
Ramzy Baroud: [10-11]
A year of genocide. "No one had expected that one year would be
enough to recenter the Palestinian cause as the world's most pressing
issue, and that millions of people across the globe, would, once
again, rally for Palestinian freedom." In some limited sense that
may be true, but I don't see how it works out. Not for lack of
trying, but those "millions of people" haven't been very effective,
nor is their fortune likely to change.
Since October 7, organizations of the American Jewish establishment,
like the Jewish Federations and the Anti-Defamation League, have
weaponized our grief, decontextualized it, promoted falsehoods about
what happened that day, and deployed Israeli propaganda talking
points to justify a genocidal onslaught against the Gaza Strip.
Within days of October 7, Israeli political and military leaders
publicly declared their intention to exact vengeance by destroying
Palestinian society in the Gaza Strip. Leading with a campaign of
mass bombing in densely populated areas that could only result in
massive civilian deaths, they have done so. Israel's conduct of the
war does not conform to any reasonable definition of self-defense.
The second half of the piece is devoted to relatively old history,
especially an event in 1971, which leads into the final paragraph:
The January 2, 1971 attack on the Aroyo family and Israel's brutal
response to it prefigure, albeit on a much smaller scale, the events
of October 7, 2023 and their aftermath. Shlomo Gazit was correct.
Israeli security cannot be achieved by committing war crimes and
ethnic cleansing. Palestinian liberation cannot be achieved by
murdering civilians.
Helen Benedict: [10-03]
Ending the cycle of revenge: "Bereaved Israelis and Palestinians
use their grief to advocate for reconciliation and peace together."
Robert Grenier: [10-05]
How Israel's brutal war strategy has remade the Middle East:
"Israel set out to reestablish military superiority. It succeeded --
at catastrophic human cost." Article misses the obvious question,
which is why "military superiority" matters to anyone other than
the military budget makers, as well as why the Hamas attack on
October 7 made them think they had something to prove. As for
"remaking the Middle East," it really looks much like it did just
over a year ago, except for the humanitarian crisis which Israel
itself is solely responsible for. (Sure, blame America for aiding,
but had Israel not wanted to launch its multi-front war, Americans
would have bowed and scraped just the same.)
Anis Shivani: [10-11]
Israel won: I considered pairing this piece with Baroud (above)
as a sobering counterpoint, but it has its own problems. While
Palestinians have lost much, it's hard to say what (if anything)
Israel has won. Also, he seems to be stuck on the notion that
the US is the architect of Israel's foreign policy, whereas the
opposite seems much closer to the truth.
Last year,
images and
video of the survivor of the October 7, 2023, strike in Abasan
Al-Kabira, 11-year-old Tala Abu Daqqa, circulated online. In a short
video, the young girl -- her face peppered with tiny cuts -- appears
glassy-eyed, broken, shattered. That day, the first of the war, she
became one of the now 2.1 million Palestinians in Gaza who have
witnessed or directly experienced conflict trauma and one of the
1 million children in need of mental health and psychosocial support.
Since the attack, at least 138,000 fellow Gazans have been killed or
wounded.
Numbers can't tell the full story of the suffering of children
and adults living under a year of Israeli bombardment. No matter
how accurate, figures can't capture the scope of their sorrow or
the depth of their distress. An estimate of how many million tons
of rubble Israeli attacks have produced can offer a sense of the
scale of destruction, but not the impact of each strike on the
lives of those who survived, and the effect on the future of Gaza
given how many didn't.
Numbers are wholly insufficient to explain Tala Abu Daqqa's
anguish. Statistics can't tell us much about how living through
such a catastrophe affects an 11-year-old child. Heartache defies
calculation. Psychological distress can't be reduced to the score
on a trauma questionnaire. There is no meaningful way to quantify
her loss except, perhaps, by offering up two basic, final numbers
that will stay with her forever: two parents and three sisters
killed.
Israel:
Mondoweiss:
[10-07]
Day 367: Israel orders new evacuations in Gaza, expands bombing in
Lebanon: "The Israeli ground invasion of southern Lebanon
continues to face stiff resistance along the border one week on,
while the Israeli army has renewed its assault on northern Gaza,
laying siege to Jabalia refugee camp for the sixth time since
October 7."
Jonathan Adler:
Israel's paradoxical crusade against UNRWA: "Israeli officials
are relying on UNRWA to prevent a polio epidemic -- while the
Knesset advances laws to expel the agency." Paradox?
Israeli defense officials
told Haaretz on Sunday that the Israeli government is not
seeking to revive ceasefire talks with Hamas and is now pushing for
the gradual annexation of large portions of the Gaza Strip. . . .
The Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth has
reported that Israeli forces in Jabalia are carrying out a
"scaled-down" version of the "general's plan," an outline for the
complete ethnic cleansing of northern Gaza and the killing of any
Palestinians who choose to stay, whether by military action or
starvation. The UN's World Food Program said Saturday that no
food aid has entered northern Gaza since October 1. . . .
If Israel is successful in cleansing northern Gaza of its Palestinian
population, it would pave the way for the establishment of Jewish-only
settlements in the area, an idea openly supported by many Israeli
ministers and Knesset members. The general's plan calls for the
tactics to be used in other parts of the Strip once the north is
cleansed.
Tareq S Hajjaj: [10-09]
Inside Israel's ongoing invasion of Jabalia in northern Gaza:
"Israel laid siege to Jabalia in northern Gaza on the anniversary
of October 7. Residents tell Mondoweiss that the Israeli army is
forcibly conscripting civilians as human shields and shooting
residents who attempt to evacuate."
Mairav Zonszein: [10-07]
On Israeli apathy. I resisted the word "apathy" here. It's a
commonplace that many (most?) Israelis have lost the ability to
recognize Palestinians as human beings -- a loss of empathy that
makes them indifferent to horrendous violence. But it's easier to
understand that as hatred than as apathy. And no doubt much Israeli
propaganda is devoted to stoking hate, but that goes hand-in-hand
with efforts to desensitize Israelis to the effects of violence
directed at others, and ultimately to keep Israelis from realizing
that their own violence is doing to themselves.
The lawlessness and state violence directed at Palestinians for so
long have started to seep into Jewish Israeli society. Mr. Netanyahu's
refusal to assume responsibility for the security failures of Oct. 7,
his grip on power despite corruption trials, his emboldening of some
of the most radical and messianic elements in Israel are a testament
to that. The nearly carte blanche support Israel has received from
the Biden administration throughout much of this war has further
empowered the most hard-line elements of the nation's politics. And
yet many Israelis are still not making the connection between their
inability to get the government to prioritize Israeli life and how
expendable that government treats Palestinian life.
Without this realization, it is hard to see how Israelis can pave
a different path forward that does not rely on the same dehumanization
and lawlessness. This, for me, has made what is already a dire,
desperate reality seemingly irredeemable. For Israelis to start
carving a way out of this mess, they will have to feel outraged
not only by what is being done to them, but also what is being done
to others in their name, and demand that it stop. Without that, I'm
not sure that I, like other Israelis with the privilege to consider
it, see a future here.
Any state that allows such abuse will ultimately turn its anger
and callousness on its own people.
Lebanon:
Elia Ayoub: [10-04]
Killing Hezbollah leaders failed 30 years ago. It won't work now:
"Instead of debilitating Hezbollah, Israel's assassination of Hassan
Nasrallah may prove to be a major PR boost for the embattled
organization." Useful mostly for background, especially Israel's
1992 assassination of Hezbollah co-founder Abbas al-Musawi, which
only intensified the struggle against Israel's occupation of south
Lebanon, as new leaders like Nasrallah took over.
[10-09]
Israel invaded Lebanon because the United States let it: "The
leveling of Lebanese border towns is the continuation of Israel's
Gaza policy: total destruction and ill-defined objectives." I also
found an earlier article I had meant to mention:
Sunjeev Bery: [10-10]
US foreign policy has created a genocidal Israel: "Without
massive, unconditional US military subsidies, Israel would have
had to practice diplomacy with their neighbors years ago." One
could just as easily argue that Israel has steered the US toward
increasing embrace, if not (yet) of full-blown genocide, then at
least to the leading policies of "extraordinary rendition," "black
sites," and "targeted assassination," as Israel became first the
model, then the laboratory for the "war on terror" -- really just
a cult that believes that sheer force can overcome all obstacles.
Or one can argue that genocide is encoded in the DNA of our shared
settler-colonial origins, a latent tendency which flowers whenever
and wherever conditions allow.
There can be no doubt that the American "blank check" has
contributed significantly to those conditions. And on the surface,
it would seem that the rare occasions when American presidents
attempted to restrain Israel were successful: in 1956, Eisenhower
forced Israel to retreat from Egypt; in 1967 and 1973 the US and
Russia brokered UN ceasefire resolutions; in 1978, Carter halted
Israel's intervention in Lebanon, and in 1979 Carter brokered a
peace agreement with Egypt; in 1990-91, Bush restrained Israel
from retaliating against Iraq, and pressed for peace talks, which
ultimately led to Israelis replacing the recalcitrant Shamir with
Rabin, leading to the ill-fated Oslo Accords. But in fact, every
apparent accommodation Israeli leaders made to US pressure was
systematically subverted, with most of the offenses repeated as
soon as allowed: the war against Egypt that Eisenhower ended was
relaunched with Johnson; the invasion of Lebanon that Carter held
back returned with Reagan; the sham "peace process" under Clinton
was demolished -- well, actually repackaged in caricature -- with
GW Bush. But under Trump and Biden, American subservience -- which
is part pure corruption, but also imbued in war-on-terror culture --
has become so complete that Netanyahu no longer bothers to pretend.
Actually, Israel's die was set in two previous events where a
realistically alternative path was possible and rejected -- in both
cases, by David Ben-Gurion. The first was in 1936, when British
authorities realized what a mess of their mandate in Palestine,
and proposed, through the Peel Commission, to solve their problem
with a program of partition and mandatory transfer: divide the
land into two pieces, and force all the Jews to one side, and all
the Arabs to the other. The division, of course, was unfair, not
just in the ratio of people to land but especially in that nearly
all of people forcibly uprooted and "transferred" would be Arabs.
But Ben-Gurion, whose power base at the time was the Hebrew-only
union Histadrut, saw in the proposal the prospect of an ethnically
pure Jewish state, which could with independence and time build up
a military that could seize any additional lands they thought they
needed.
The British proposal was not only rejected by the Palestinians,
but precipitated a revolt which took the British (and the Israeli
militias they encouraged) three years to suppress, and then only
when the British to the main Palestinian demand, which was to
severely limit Jewish immigration. But Ben-Gurion kept the drive
for partition alive, eventually persuading the UN to approve it
in diluted form -- the "transfer" was sotto voce, but when the
British withdrew in 1948, Israel's militias merged into the IDF,
significantly expanded beyond the resolution's borders, and drove
more than 700,000 Palestinians from their homes into exile. The
resulting Israel wasn't as large or as pure as Ben-Gurion had
hoped, but it soon became as powerful, as became clear in its
wars against Egypt in 1956 and 1967 (and its defense in 1973).
One can argue that Ben-Gurion did what needed to be done in
order to found and secure Israel. But once Israel was free and
secure, it had options, one of which was to treat its new minority
fairly, earn its respect and loyalty, and disarm its neighbors by
normalizing relations. Ben-Gurion didn't do that, but he did give
way to his lieutenant, Moshe Sharrett, who was much more inclined
to moderation. Ben-Gurion's second fateful decision was to return
to politics, deposing Sharrett, and returning Israel to the path
of militarism, ethnocracy and empire building. This led straight
to the 1956 war, and its 1967 reprisal. Ben-Gurion had retired
again before the latter, but he had left successors who would
carry on his maximalist objectives (notably, Moshe Dayan, Golda
Meir, Shimon Peres, Yitzhak Rabin, and Ariel Sharon; meanwhile,
he had rehabilitated his old enemies from the Jabotinsky wing,
from Menachem Begin to Benjamin Netanyahu, and integrated into
the political system the followers of the ultra-orthodox and
ultra-nationalist Kook rabbis -- pretty much the entire spectrum
of current Israeli politics).
I like to think of Ben-Gurion's return to power as similar to
Mao's Cultural Revolution: the last desperate attempt of an aging
revolutionary to recreate his glory days rather than simply resting
on his laurels. It is interesting that Ben-Gurion advised against
the 1967 war, arguing that Palestinians wouldn't flee from Israel's
advancing armies like they did in 1948, so any land gained would
reduce the Jewish demographic majority he had fought for, and be
burdened with a heavy-handed occupation. But once the war ended so
decisively, he was delighted, and his followers were confident they
could handle the occupation -- the bigger threat was that Egypt and
Syria would fight to get their land back, as they did in 1973.
While Ben-Gurion has had extraordinary influence on Israel's
entire history, he has at least in one respect been eclipsed of
late: he always understood that occupation was a burden, one that
can and should be lightened by some manner of decency, and he also
understood that Israel needs friends and alliances in the world,
which again demands that Israel show some decency and respect.
Shlomo Avineri ends his The Making of Modern Zionism with
chapters on Ben-Gurion, Jabotinsky, and Kook. Ben-Gurion at least
understood the rudiments of social solidarity, and saw practical
value in it, even if his socialism was radically circumscribed by
his nationalism. Most Israelis today no longer feel the need:
like Jabotinsky, they believe that power conquers all, and that
the powerful should be accountable to none; while some, like
Kook, see their power as divinely ordained, as is their mission
to redeem greater Eretz Yisrael, and purge it of its intruders.
To them, America is just a tool they can use for their own ends.
Indeed, it's hard to explain why Biden and his predecessors have
indulged Israel so readily. Which, I suppose, is why Bery's
thesis, that American power has always been rotten, cannot be
easily dismissed. His conclusion is not wrong, except inasmuch
as he implies conscious intent:
The simple reality is that U.S. foreign policy remains just as
bloody and horrific as it has always been. In earlier decades,
"acceptable" losses included the 1 to 2 million civilians killed
in Vietnam, another million dead in Indonesia, the carnage of
U.S.-backed dictators across Latin America, and the hundreds of
thousands killed during the U.S. invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan.
Today's U.S. military and diplomatic interventions in the Middle
East are no different.
To end Israel's horrific actions in the Middle East, we must
change the politics of America itself. This is no easy task, given
the robust power and influence of pro-Israel -- and pro-war --
networks, donors, and lobbying groups inside the U.S. But it is
the task at hand, and it should be the focus of every person of
conscience, both within and outside the borders of the United
States. As has been true in other regions of the world, U.S.
foreign policy is the fundamental obstacle to justice, democracy,
and peace in the Middle East.
Page also included a link to a year-old article which adds
background depth here:
Khader Jabbar: [10-06]
Israel and Iran: Unpacking Western media bias with Assal Rad:
"Assal Rad joins The Mondoweiss Podcast to discuss media coverage
of recent events in Palestine and Lebanon and the persistent
pro-Israel bias in Western media."
Jake Johnson: [10-13]
Alarm as Pentagon confirms deployment of US troops to Israel:
"Netanyahu is as close as he has ever been to his ultimate wish:
making the US fight Iran on Israel's behalf." The deployment is
pretty limited -- "an advanced antimissile system and around 100
US troops" -- but it encourages Israel to provoke further armed
responses from Iran, while making American troops handy targets
for all sorts of terrorist mischief. Washington, conditioned to
see Iran as a potential aggressor, probably sees this as purely
defensive, urgent given Iran's threats (and occasional but mostly
symbolic practice) of retaliation, and practical in that trained
troops can get the system operative much faster than just handing
the weapons over to Israel. Netanyahu, on the other hand, will see
this as confirmation that the Americans are on the hook for war
with Iran. They also understand that if/when Iran wants to hit
back in ways that actually hurt, the US has many easier targets
to hit than the patch of Israel this weapon system is meant to
protect.
The first thing we have to do is to disabuse ourselves of the notion
that the United States has any reservations about what Israel is doing.
Israel is doing what it is doing in careful and close coordination with
Washington, and with its full approval. The United States does not just
arm and diplomatically protect what Israel does; it shares Israel's
goals and approves of Israel's methods.
The tut-tutting, the pooh-poohing, and the crocodile tears about
humanitarian issues and civilian casualties are pure hypocrisy. The
United States has signed on to Israel's approach to Lebanon -- it
wants Israel to destroy Hezbollah and Hamas. It does not have any
reservations about the basic approach of Israel, which is to attack
the civilian population in order to force change in Lebanon and
obviously in Gaza. . . .
The United States helps Israel in targeting Hezbollah and Hamas
leaders -- that is a fact. Anybody who ignores that and pretends
that there's any daylight between what Israel does and what the
United States wants it to do is lying to themselves or is lying to us.
I don't have any evidence to contradict this, but this doesn't
fit the model I have of American interests and motivations. The
most likely part of this story is the low-level sharing of signals
intelligence and targeting information, because that doesn't have
to go through diplomatic levels where questions might be asked
about what it's being used for. That sort of thing is pre-approved,
not because Israel is doing America's dirty work but because US
officials have, as a matter of political convenience, given up
any pretense of independent thought where Israel is concerned.
Ben Samuels: [10-02]
In US election, Israel might be the ultimate October surprise:
"For the first time, there's a real chance that Israel may help sway
the race. Election Day is 34 days away. Undoubtedly, many more surprises
are in store, and none of them are likely to be pleasant."
Dahlia Scheindlin: [10-01]
Hamas and Hezbollah trapped Israel on October 7. Now Israel is trapping
Iran and America: "Tehran and Washington are facing tremendous
dilemmas, trapped between two highly fraught options. Their choices
will determine the fate of the Middle East for both the short term
and for years to come." But the only real choice here is Israel's,
as they can keep doing this until they get their desired result,
which is America and Iran at war.
Ishaan Tharoor: [10-09]
How Netanyhahu shattered Biden's Middle East hopes: "The Israeli
prime minister tested and bested President Joe Biden's diplomatic
strategy around the growing conflict in the Middle East." The logical
fallacy here is in thinking that Biden ever had his own plans for
anything involving Israel.
"Reading the health experts, I am starting to think with horror that
if it's not stopped, Israel's assault could end up exterminating almost
the entire population in Gaza over the next couple of years," Francesca
Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur for Palestine,
wrote on Friday on social media.
Albanese cited
a recent report from University of Edinburgh global public health
chair Devi Sridhar finding that the true death toll from Israel's
genocide could be estimated at 335,500 as of September.
Sridhar based this rough calculation
off of an estimate by public health researchers published in
The Lancet in July regarding typical indirect death counts
from previous conflicts, citing research hailed as the gold standard
in the field. At that time, the researchers estimated that the true
death toll could be roughly 186,000, stemming from direct killings
like bombings as well as Israel's destruction of the health, food
and sanitation systems in Gaza.
The death toll, then, could be between 15 and 20 percent of the
population by the end of this year, Albanese said, in just over a
year of Israel's genocide. And, as Sridhar writes in her Guardian
report, the calculation that she borrows from The Lancet
editorial is highly conservative -- meaning the death toll could be
even higher than her 335,500 estimate.
There is a good bit of evidence that suggests Israel is unraveling
from within. It now appears that Zionism, like communism, is a
self-defeating project. In June of this year, renown Jewish historian,
Ilan Pappé, suggested [link follows] that the collapse of Zionism
may be imminent. According to Pappé, "We are witnessing a historical
process -- or, more accurately, the beginnings of one -- that is
likely to culminate in the downfall of Zionism."
In a manner eerily reminiscent of ancient Israel, modern Israel is
quickly dividing into two separate states: the State of Israel and the
State of Judea. The former identifies as a secular liberal democracy
while the latter consists of far right religious zealots who want to
establish a theocracy, and believe that God has promised them all the
land between the Nile and the Euphrates.
Israeli finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich is a leading figure of
this latter group. In a new documentary produced by Arte, Smotrich
claimed that "the future of Jerusalem is to expand to Damascus."
Not surprisingly, Smotrich's vision for the State of Judea includes
annexing territories presently belonging to Egypt, Jordan, Syria,
Lebanon, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. The members of this group, including,
Itamar Ben-Gvir, Minister of National Security, believe that the events
which transpired on October 7 provide the perfect pretext for them to
realize their vision of Greater Israel.
It should be noted here that Smotrich's party only holds seven seats
(out of 120) in the Knesset, although they seem able to use their
limited leverage to dominate the coalition government agenda.
Adam Johnson/Othman Ali: [10-14]
A study reveals CNN and MSNBC's glaring Gaza double standard:
"Palestinians received far less sympathetic and humanizing coverage
than either Israelis or Ukrainians, a Nation analysis has
found." Nice to have the charts and all the rigor, but the
conclusion has been obvious for many years. It's been engineered
by "hasbara" architects, and reinforced by the whispers of money
in editors' ears.
By scapegoating Netanyahu, who has dominated the Israeli political
system for most of the past fifteen years, liberal Zionists have
been able to preserve in their imaginations the idealized Israel
many of them fell in love with decades ago -- the Israel that was
founded by secular socialists from Eastern Europe and that branded
itself as a paragon of enlightened governance, even as it engaged
from the beginning in colonization, land theft, murder, and expulsion
on a scale that Netanyahu's coalition can only envy. By denying the
essential nature of the Zionist project and its incompatibility with
progressive values, liberal Zionists have also been in denial at
every stage about the war to which they have pledged at least
conditional support. They have insisted that the situation is
"complicated," which is the framing Ta-Nehisi Coates absorbed
during his tenure at the predominantly liberal Zionist Atlantic,
and which he denounced as "horseshit" following a trip to the occupied
West Bank in the summer of 2023. "It's complicated," Coates
toldNew York magazine last month, deriding that common
talking point, "when you want to take something from somebody."
A year after October 7, no one seriously believes there will be
peace between Israel and the Palestinians in our lifetime. The bombed
and starved children of Gaza will never forget what they've been
subjected to, nor the world's general indifference; while it's not
on the same scale, their counterparts in Israel will never forget
the national trauma of the attacks. The "two-state solution" that
liberal Zionists have verbally supported for years as the only
possible just outcome is an obvious fantasy. Other, far more
disturbing outcomes seem likelier; at present, it is hard to see
what consequences Israel will face from continuing to kill and
displace Palestinians on all fronts while seizing and occupying
more and more of their land. If there is one lesson to be taken
from the past dismal year, it's this: the liberal Zionist
interpretation of the conflict has no predictive value, no analytical
weight, and no moral rigor. It is a failed dream of the previous
century, and it is unlikely to survive this one.
The loss of humanity in public discourse is a contagious and sometimes
fatal disease. Recovery is very difficult. Israel has lost all interest
in what it is doing to the Palestinian people, arguing that they "deserve
it" - everyone, including women, children, the elderly, the sick, the
hungry and the dead.
The Israeli media, which has been more disgraceful over the past
year than ever before, voluntarily carries the flag of incitement,
inflaming passions and the loss of humanity, just to gratify its
consumers.
The domestic media has shown Israelis almost nothing of the
suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, while whitewashing manifestations
of hatred, racism, ultra-nationalism, and sometimes barbarism,
directed at the enclave and its population.
Said Zeedani: [10-08]
Gaza's governance must remain in Palestinian hands: "Amid plans
for external interventions, it is vital to build a consensus around
an interim body to manage Gaza's urgent needs and pave the way for
unity." I have no idea who's saying what about "external interventions,"
but nothing serious can happen until Israel implements a ceasefire
(with or without any Hamas consent -- even if the hostages are not
repatriated immediately, they will be much safer with a ceasefire),
agrees to withdraw its forces, and renounces any claim to the land
of Gaza and/or its people. If we've learned anything from the last
year, it's that Israel is not fit to occupy land without citizens.
That shouldn't be a hard sell to Israel, as they have no settlers
in Gaza to contest claims, and they've more than made their point
about what they will do to people who attack them.
Once Israel is out of the picture, other people can get involved,
immediately to rescue the people -- for the most part de-housed,
with many diseased and/or starving -- and eventually to repair and
rebuild. Gazans have great needs and no resources or leverage, so
reconstruction will depend on the generosity of donors -- which may
quite reasonably come with strings attached (especially to respect
Israel's security, to avoid future repeats of its brutality). The
one point which must be respected is that in due course Gaza must be
self-governing, its sovereignty vested in the people who live there
and are free to choose their own leaders. Any "interim authority"
must lead without prejudice to such a democracy. Among other things,
this means that it should not ensconce previous political parties
(like Fatah or Hamas), nor should it exclude former members. Gaza
should rebuild on a clean slate.
B'Tselem:
The pogroms are working - the transfer is already happening:
I've cited this report
before, but it popped up again in Mazin Qumsiyeh's newsletter,
and is worth repeating, as it helps put the post-Oct. 7 genocide
into its much deeper historical context, as a continuation of a
process which Israelis were diligently working on before they could
accelerate it under the "fog of war." (You may recall that the Nazi
extermination program only began after they invaded Russia, although
the Nazis were rabidly antisemitic from the start, and committed
many heinous crimes against Jews well before they crossed the line
we now know as genocide.)
This is mostly a report on events in the West Bank prior to the
Oct. 7 Gaza revolt, after which settler violence in the West Bank --
"in the past two yeras, at least six West Bank communities have
been displaced" -- only increased.
For decades, Israel has employed a slew of measures designed to
make life in dozens of Palestinian communities throughout the West
Bank miserable. This is part of an attempt to force residents of
these communities to uproot themselves, seemingly of their own
accord. Once that is achieved, the state can realize its goal of
taking over the land. To advance this objective, Israel forbids
members of these communities from building homes, agricultural
structures or public buildings. It does not allow them to connect
to the water and power grids or build roads, and when they do, as
they have no other choice, Israel threatens demolition, often
delivering on these threats.
Settler violence is another tool Israel employs to further
torment Palestinians living in these communities. Such attacks
have grown significantly worse under the current government,
turning life in some places into an unending nightmare and
denying residents any possibility of living with even minimal
dignity. The violence has robbed Palestinian residents of their
ability to continue earning a living. It has terrorized them to
the point of fearing for their lives and made them internalize
the understanding that there is no one to protect them.
This reality has left these communities with no other choice,
and several of them have uprooted themselves, leaving hearth and
home for safer places. Dozens of communities scattered throughout
the West Bank live in similar conditions. If Israel continues this
policy, their residents may also be displaced, freeing Israel to
achieve its goal and take over their land.
Election notes:
Gail Collins/Bret Stephens: [10-07]
How could the election be this close? Good question, to which the
article only offers the oblique of answer of demonstrating how clueless
two New York Times opinion columnists can be. Stephens, at least, wears
his ignorance on his sleeve, going out of his way to quote arbitrary
Blacks and Hispanics who think Harris is "too liberal," "overall
untrustworthy," and "unsure how prepared she is to be president."
(And see those traits as worrisome compared to Trump?) Stephens also
wants Harris to "name some widely respected policy heavyweights as
members of her brain trust -- people like Robert Rubin and David
Petraeus. And announce that Liz Cheney will be her secretary of
state." Collins keeps her cluelessness hidden better. She has a
reputation for humor, but here it's mostly just egging Stephens on
to say stupid things.
PS: Speaking of stupid Stephens things, this piece came to my
attention:
Despite what those afflicted with sociopathy at the top want us to
believe, we are hardwired to help each other. We've heard how the
military has to work so hard to train killers, to erase that
hesitation to kill, and how so many shots taken in war are purposely
missed ones. When we see such wanton glee at killing we can bet that
an immeasurable number of hours have been spent in the indoctrination
of hatred, to erase the inclination for community and mutual aid. . . .
But we all know how kids often turn out after living in violent
and hate-filled homes and that's basically what all of us have been
toiling under our whole lives. We all know we've been propagandized,
it's a constant task that we need to be aware of this fact and we
need to recognize things like "passive voice" so popular in newspapers
like the New York Times. All these people dying, not being killed!
Children being called adult terms to take away our natural gut reaction
to their deaths . . . I think many have been able to break out of the
arrogant decrees that are brought down by religious institutions but
still are enamored with the liberal intelligentsia media. If they say
it, it must be true and there is no slant to the way it's delivered.
Well, it will take some time and critical thinking for those "esteemed"
edifices to be brought down. But for now, New York Times, you can go
fuck yourself and your call to war, there's real work to be done and
we don't have time for your shit.
Author's ellipses in last paragraph (originally six dots, no
idea why). I considered dropping the second half of that paragraph,
but decided the author deserved to make the point, even if crudely.
Stanley B Greenberg: [10-09]
Trump is laser-focused on the final duel. Harris is not. "That
will put Trump and Vance in the White House." One problem with reporting
based on polls is that polls most often ask stupid questions of people
who are far short of well-informed, so they can chastise politicians
for failing to cater to their nonsensical results.
Chris Lehman: [09-25]
In 2024, the pundits are wronger than ever: "Most of the predictions,
advice, and scolding emanating from the glow of TV news this year have
proved flat-out wrong. Democrats should stop listening once and for
all." Well, yes and no. It helps to start from the assumption that
you're being lied to and being given faulty and often disingenuous
advice, then try to work out what you can learn from that. On the
other hand, there actually is a lot of pretty good, solid reporting
and analysis available, if only you can figure out which is which.
Rick Perlstein:
[09-25]
The polling imperilment: "Presidential polls are no more reliable
than they were a century ago. So why do they consume our political
lives?" Catching up with other Perlstein columns:
[10-02]
Who are the 'undecided'? "It may not be about issues, but whether
voters surrender to Trump's invitation to return to the womb." Here
he draws on an article Chris Hayes wrote on undecided voters in 2004,
and which hardly anyone seems to have understood or rediscovered in
the last two decades of intense 24/7 political "coverage": basically,
undecided voters are unable to think about political issues in terms
of political choices. That's my simplification. Here's Perlstein
quoting Hayes:
Chris noted that while there were a few people he talked to like that,
"such cases were exceedingly rare. More often than not, when I asked
undecided voters what issues they would pay attention to as they made
up their minds I was met with a blank stare, as if I'd just asked them
to name their favorite prime number . . . the very concept of the
'issue' seemed to be almost completely alien to most of the undecided
voters I spoke to." . . .
Hayes: "I tried other ways of asking the same question: 'Anything
of particular concern to you? Are you anxious or worried about anything?
Are you excited about what's been happening in the country in the last
four years?'"
But those questions harvested "bewilderment" too. "As far as I could
tell, the problem wasn't the word 'issue' . . . The undecideds I spoke
to didn't seem to have any intuitive grasp of what kinds of grievances
qualify as political grievances."
That's the part that stuck with me word for word, almost two decades
on. Some mentioned they were vexed by rising health care costs. "When
I would tell them that Kerry had a plan to lower health-care premiums,
they would respond in disbelief . . . as if you were telling them that
Kerry was promising to extend summer into December."
Of course, you don't have to be "undecided" to have no clue as to
the policy domain that politics determines. Many uninformed or less
than competently comprehending voters pick their allegiances on other
seemingly arbitrary and often nonsensical grounds. These factors are
rooted in psychology, and are expertly exploited, mostly by Republican
operatives, perhaps realizing that their actual policy preferences
have little rational appeal. Perlstein, after noting Trump's promise
to be "your protector," reflects back on fascism:
Millions of pages have been filled by scholars explaining the
psychological appeal of fascism, most converging on the blunt fact
that it offers the fantasy of reversion to an infantile state, where
nothing can come and harm you, because you will be protected by an
all-powerful figure who will always put you first, always put you
first. It is simply indisputable that this promise can seduce and
transform even intelligent, apparently mature, kind-hearted people
formerly committed to liberal politics. I've
written before in this column about the extraordinary film
The Brainwashing of My Dad, in which director Jen Senko
describes the transformation of her Kennedy-liberal dad under the
influence of right-wing talk radio and Fox News -- and also how,
after she explained the premise of her film for a Kickstarter
campaign, scores of people came out of the woodwork to share
similar stories about their own family members.
I've learned a lot about the psychological dynamics at work from
the
X feed of a psychologist named
Julie Hotard, who drills down on the techniques Fox uses to trigger
infantilization in viewers. The people at Fox who devise these
scripts, one imagines, are pretty sophisticated people. Trump's
gift is to be able to grunt out the same stuff just from his gut.
Trump's appeals have become noticeably more infantile in precisely
this way. When he
addresses women voters, for instance: "I am your protector.
I want to be your protector . . . You will no longer be abandoned,
lonely, or scared. You will no longer be in danger . . ."
Or when he grunts the other side of the infantilizing
promise: that he will be your vengeance. His promise to destroy
anything placing you in danger. Like when he recently pledged to
respond to "one really violent day" by meeting criminals with "one
rough hour -- and I mean real rough. The word will get out and it
will end immediately."
Or when he
posted the Prayer to St. Michael the Archangel ("O Prince of the
heavenly hosts, by the power of God, cast into hell Satan, and all the
evil spirits, who prowl about the world seeking the ruin of souls")
illustrated by a 17th-century painting of said saint curb-stomping a
defeated devil, about to run a sword through his head.
Even on the liberal-left, many interpret the way Trump seems
even more to be going off the rails these last weeks as a
self-defeating lack of control, or as a symptom of cognitive
impairment. They almost seem to celebrate it. The New Republic's
email newsletter, which I cannot stand, is full of such therapeutic
clickbaity headlines canvassing the same examples I talk about here:
"Trump Proposes Stunningly Stupid Idea for Public Safety"; "Ex-Aide
Says Trump's 'Creepy' Message to Women Shows He's Out of Touch";
"Trump Appears to Have Lost a Total Grasp on Things."
I certainly don't disagree that Trump is becoming more cognitively
impaired and out of touch with reality. But might not these impairments
render him a better fascist seducer, as his invitations to infantile
regression become ever more primal, ever more basic, ever more pure?
[10-09]
Our cults, ourselves: "Is the best way to understand the MAGA movement
to binge-watch docuseries about charismatic leaders sending their acolytes
to ruin? Tune in and find out."
[02-14]
A cultural artifact that meets the moment: "Stephen King's Under
the Dome nails how Trumpism functions at the most elemental of
levels." This is the piece Perlstein cited in the "undecided" piece
above, but worth breaking out here. I remember watching, and enjoying,
the
miniseries (2013-15), but had forgotten whatever political import
it might have held, but I welcome the refresher course. The section on
The Brainwashing of My Dad is kind of a coda. I should look
into it further, although I can already think of several examples
from my own family. (I had a pair of cousins, who shared the same
cultural legacy -- small towns, church, hunting -- and could be
socioeconomic twins, but one got her news from the BBC, the other
from Fox.) This essay also refers to a "Part 1":
[01-31]
A hole in the culture: "Why is there so little art depicting
the moment we're in?" Starts with a letter, which includes this:
My husband and I are old and sitting right slap dab in the middle
of red Arkansas with MAGA friends and family all around. They try to
pull us into their discussions but we change the subject. I stopped
going to church because the churches no longer teach Christ's
message, but Trump's message.
The Nation: [09-23]
The Nation endorses Kamala Harris: "In her own right, and
because we oppose Donald Trump's reactionary agenda." I imagine
Joan Walsh is responsible for the first clause, although in the
fine print, they admit "on foreign policy, however, the positive
case is harder to make" -- in what Billmon liked to call a
"Hirohito moment" (which I recalled as severe understatement,
expressed as innocuously as possible; his
definition: "a political statement so painfully cautious and/or
ridiculously understated that it's hard not to laugh at it").
After Joe Biden was shuffled off stage on trumped-up charges of
senility, I started thinking seriously about the weaponization of
old age in our world. Who gets credit for old age and who gets the
boot?
At 86, I share that affliction, pervasive among the richest,
healthiest, and/or luckiest of us, who manage to hang around the
longest. Donald Trump is, of course, in this same group, although
much of America seems to be in selective denial about his diminishing
capabilities. He was crushed recently in The Great Debate yet is
generally given something of a mulligan for hubris, craziness, and
unwillingness to prepare. But face it, unlike Joe B, he was simply
too old to cut the mustard.
It's time to get real about old age as a condition that, yes,
desperately needs and deserves better resources and reverence, but
also careful monitoring and culling. Such thinking is not a bias
crime. It's not even an alert for ancient drivers on the roads. It's
an alarm for tolerating dangerous old politicians who spread lies
and send youngsters to war, while we continue to willfully waste
the useful experience and energy of all ages.
He also mentions Rupert Murdoch (93) and Warren Buffett (94):
Those old boys are anything but role models for me and my friends.
After all, they've been practicing all their lives how to be rich
old pigs, their philanthropy mirroring their interests, not the
needs of the rest of us. In my pay grade, we're expected to
concentrate on tips from AARP newsletters on how to avoid telephone
scams and falls, the bane of the geezer class. And that's important,
but it's also a way of keeping us anxious and impotent.
But he does mention some other ancients, like Casey Stengel and
Jules Feiffer, who he finds more inspiration in. And the
Gray Panthers, founded by Maggie Kuhn -- a personal blast from
the past, as I knew of them through
Sylvia Fink Kleinman (who excused her own fine tastes, explaining
"nothing's too good for the working class").
New York Times: [09-26]
The dangers of Donald Trump, from those who know him: A big chart
of sound bites from "administration insiders, the Trumps & Trump
Inc., Republican politicians, conservative leaders, world leaders" --
including some who remain as steadfast supporters, like Lindsey Graham
and Ted Cruz. Oddly enough, the wittiest is Kim Jong-un's "a frightened
dog barks louder."
There are lists of Donald Trump's lies and lists of his alleged
crimes. But the catalog of all the good things that have happened
to the former president is equally unnerving. Every dog has its
day, but Trump -- no fan of dogs, BTW -- has had far more good
luck than the average mutt.
Of course, the man was born lucky -- into a life of wealth and
privilege and with looks that some women apparently find attractive.
Like many indulged heirs, he quickly dispensed with those gifts,
wasting away his fortune like a 20th-century tristate re-creation
of "A Rake's Progress." It could have easily curdled into squalor
from there.
But one fateful day, along came "The Apprentice," visiting the
sulky developer in his moldering office. As my colleagues Russ
Buettner and Susanne Craig document in their new book, aptly titled
Lucky Loser: How Donald Trump Squandered His Father's Fortune and
Created the Illusion of Success, it was this improbable TV
show that offered Trump a golden ticket out of bankruptcy and
irrelevance, transforming him into a successful billionaire by
pretending he actually was one.
Also:
Eight years ago Trump, who has been convicted of 34 felony charges
in Manhattan and has been indicted in three other cases, told a rally
full of acolytes, "I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and
shoot somebody, and I wouldn't lose any voters." It is fortunate for
him, then, that he was able to appoint three justices to the Supreme
Court who created the possibility for him to be granted immunity in
the three remaining cases against him.
It's impossible to attribute all of this to strategy or intelligence
or even mere cunning. In the same way the mask-averse Trump contracted
what we now know was a serious case of Covid, at age 74 and seriously
overweight, miraculously bounced back with the benefit of cutting-edge
treatment that did not include injecting disinfectant, these things
happened independent of Trump's own actions and inclinations.
Now here we are, with Trump crediting the outcome of two failed
assassination attempts to divine intervention.
James Risen: [10-03]
The reason Netanyahu and Putin both want a Trump victory: "so
they can prolong and intensify their brutal wars." Actually, there's
not much stopping them now, and any policy shift under Harris is
purely speculative -- it's sure not something she's campaigning
on. I don't doubt that Trump is preferred by both -- as a fellow
right-winger, Trump is unbothered by human rights abuses, and
he's notoriously open to bribery and flattery. Also, both have
history of poking their noses into American domestic politics,
although in that Putin is a piker compared to Netanyahu.
Tony Schwartz: [10-11]
I was Trump's ghostwriter. A new biopic gets the most important thing
right. The movie is
The Apprentice, directed by Ali Abbasi and written by Gabriel
Sherman, based on "Trump's career as a real estate businessman in New
York in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as his relationship with lawyer
Roy Cohn." (Sebastian Stan plays Trump, Jeremy Strong plays Cohn, and
Martin Donovan plays Fred Trump Sr.)
Watching The Apprentice crystallized two big lessons that I
learned from Mr. Trump 30 years ago and that I've seen play out in
his life ever since with more and more extreme consequences. The
first lesson is that a lack of conscience can be a huge advantage
when it comes to accruing power, attention and wealth in a society
where most other human beings abide by a social contract. The second
lesson is that nothing we get for ourselves from the outside world
can ever adequately substitute for what we're missing on the inside.
Lawrence Ware: [10-11]
Republicans are not evil . . . well, not all of them: When I
saw this, my first thought was that it might take off from a New
York Times opinion piece I had noticed but didn't mention at the
time. Author is based in Oklahoma, so no suprise that he regularly
encounters Republican voters who seem decent enough even when they
are wrong. As a writer, I am often tempted to use "evil," as few
words make a point so succinctly. But almost always, the real
target is some act or belief, not the person implicated in the
moment. Aiming at the person loses that distinction, and makes
it that much harder to ever recover.
Nicholas Kristof: [08-31]
Here's why we shouldn't demean Trump voters. It's not just
that some Trump voters have decent (even if misguided) motivations,
and that grouping them all together is a logical fallacy, but that
the habit and practice is bad for you too -- it makes you more like
the person you are demeaning. That said, in this particular case,
"misguided" is a really huge understatement.
Branden Adams: [10-13]
Jim Justice tied West Virginia coal to global financial capital:
"While running his coal company Bluestone, Governor Jim Justice
ushered the mines of West Virginia deep into the grasp of global
financial capital -- at the expense of West Virginians. Why should
Swiss bankers get paid before West Virginia teachers?"
Gaby Del Valle: [09-25]
How immigration became a lightning rod in American politics:
"Anti-immigrant think tanks and advocacy groups operated on the
margins until Trump became president. Now they have molded not
only the GOP but also Democrats in their image."
[10-08]
The race is close because Harris is running a brilliant campaign:
"Stop complaining; the centrism is working." Or so says Chait, who
only views every disappointed/disaffected leftist as a strategic
gain, even though he can't begin to count the votes. No doubt that
if Harris does manage to "pull a Hillary" and lose the election,
Chait will be the first to blame it on the left.
[10-10]
The election choice is divided government or unrestrained Trumpism:
"Harris won't be able to implement her plans. Trump will." As a devout
centrist, Chait may regard divided government as the best of all worlds,
with each party making sure the other doesn't accomplish anything, or
rock any boats. Indeed, no Democratic president has had a Democratic
Congress for a full terms since Carter, and even the initial two-year
stretches Clinton, Obama, and Biden inherited were hobbled by lobbyists
and the filibuster.
Ed Kilgore: [10-09]
Can Nikki Haley voters win it for Kamala Harris? I can believe
that most of the people who voted for Harris in Republican primaries
this year won't vote for Trump. But calling them "Nikki Haley voters"
seems gratuitous, especially given that Haley is on board for Trump,
so isn't one of them.
Branko Marcetic: [10-12]
Is Kamala 2024 Clinton 2016?: "Republican endorsements, running
to the right on foreign policy, an unambitious agenda of incremental
change less important than how bad the other guy is. Where have we
seen this before?"
Andrew Prokop:
The rise -- and fall? -- of the New Progressive Economics:
"Progressives conquered economic policy under Biden. Would they lose
it under Harris?" How should I know? And not just because the article
is a "member exclusive" I can't even get a glimpse of. (I did feel
kind of bad about never giving what used to be my favorite news site
any money, but less and less so every time I hit a paywall, especially
on an article that is obvious bullshit.) In the first place, the premise
that "NPE conquered Biden" is somewhere between greatly exaggerated and
plain false. Biden moved somewhat out of the Obama-Clinton neocon rut
because both the economics and the politics failed. Unlike Republicans,
Democrats are expected to address and at least ameliorate real problems,
and the old neoliberalism just wasn't working. Some new stuff got tried,
and mostly worked. Other ideas got stymied, for which there was lots
of obvious blame, as well as Biden's own lukewarm interest. But where
is the evidence that Harris is going to abandon policies and proposals
that are popular with Democrats just to help the rich get richer? The
only thing I'm aware of is that she's had to cozy up to a lot of rich
donors to raise her billion dollar campaign war chest, and they're
going to want something in return. But by then, she'll be president,
and in a better position to call her own shots.
Bill Scher: [10-10]
No "deplorables," "you ain't black," "cling to guns": Harris's
gaffe-free campaign: I suppose that's good news, but Scher is
the most unflappable of Democratic Party apologists, so one doubts
his ability to detect gaffes, let alone strategic missteps. The one
I'm most worried about is her continuing political calculation to
amp up vitriol against Russia and Iran. My guess is that as president
she will pivot to a more moderate stance, because I don't see her as
a neocon ideologue, but I do see her as politically cunning, so her
stance tells me that she thinks it's the smart play viz. voters and
the media. That's pretty depressing.
Robert Kuttner: [10-04]
Biden's amazing win settling the dock strike: "The terms are a
total victory for dockworkers and for smooth supply chain operation,
as the White House faced down exorbitant shipper profits. What would
Trump have done?"
Paul Starr: [09-20]
What should Democrats say to young men? "Young men appear to be
drifting right. Ignoring them means trouble." As an asymptomatic
observer, I have trouble caring about this -- much like the "stolen
pride" in the Arlie Russell Hochschild book (below): been there, got
over that. Still, I do, as a matter of principle, believe that every
voter counts, and that all pain (even the phantom variety) merits
some kind of treatment. Cites:
Astra Taylor: [09]
Divided and conquered: "In search of a democratic majority."
"You've reached your free article limit," so sayonara. "The essay
was partially adapted with permission from Solidarity: The Past,
Present, and Future of a World Changing Idea, which I did buy
a copy of, so I can probably reference it when I want a critique
of Kevin Phillips (The Emerging Republican Majority, which
is often counted as prescient, even if only with regret) and/or Ruy
Teixeira/John Judis (The Emerging Democratic Majority, which
isn't, so they recently rewrote it as Where Have All the Democrats
Gone?), not that I couldn't write those myself.
Supreme Court, legal matters, and other crimes:
David Dayen: [09-30]
How Congress gets its groove back: "The Supreme Court's recent
rulings will change how Congress writes laws. It may even force the
legislative branch to take a hard look at its own dysfunctions."
This is about the Court's recent dismantling of what's called the
"Chevron defense," which while possibly disastrous for the normal
functioning of the federal government, can (at least in theory) be
rectified by Congress writing and passing more precise laws that
leave less discretionary power in the hands of an increasingly
politicized executive. But for that to happen, you first need a
Congress that is willing and able to do the necessary work to
deal with real problems. That obviously involves getting rid of
a lot of Republicans, and tools like the filibuster, but it also
suggests the need for much better Democrats. Otherwise, problems
just multiply, while the courts further hamstring any efforts at
remedy by executive order.
Sarah Jones: [10-10]
The misogyny plot: A new report on the Kavanaugh hearings reveals
a deeper conspiracy."
Ian Millhiser:
[10-05]
We should call the Republican justices "Republicans" and not
"conservatives": "Supreme Court journalist should tell the
truth about what's going on at the Court." While I agree that
"the arguments against treating the justices as partisan actors
are unpersuasive," I worry that reducing them to partisan hacks
will set expectations both for and against, reinforcing their
stereotypical behavior. It is still the case that on occasion
Republican justices can rule against their party's most craven
arguments -- indeed, the legitimacy of the Court depends on at
least some air of independence. Same for Democratic justices
(which as far as I've noticed happens more often).
Intelligencer: [10-10]
Florida assessing damage from Hurricane Milton: Live updates,
at least through 10-10. My impression is that it was not as bad
as predicted: it was down to category 3 when it made landfall,
which was significantly south of the feared direct Tampa Bay hit,
and it moved across Florida and out into the Atlantic rather
quickly. Still a lot of rain and wind in a fairly narrow band,
and a lot of local damage.
Dan Stillman: [10-04]
Helene has become one of the deadliest hurricanes of the modern era:
"the deadliest hurricane to make landfall on the US mainland since
Katrina" (1392 deaths in 2005; many more since 1954 are listed, as
is Maria's 2975 deaths in 2017, but evidently Puerto Rico doesn't
count).
[10-09]
Just how doomed is home insurance? "Hurricanes like Milton and
Helene are making it harder than ever to insure your home." Aside
from the big storms, he spends a lot of time on other factors that
are driving insurance into an unaffordable spiral. Then he asks
the big question: "is the future insurable?" He throws cold water
on the idea of government reinsurance ("would only entrench the
current flaws of the insurance market," which sounds to me like
a call for better design than a blanket rejection).
Maureen Tkacik/Luke Goldstein: [10-02]
A toxic explosion in private equity payouts: "Private equity
barons just pocketed as much as $850 million from the company
behind this week's massive chemical blast in Georgia."
Ukraine and Russia: No "Diplomacy Watch"
this week?
Ted Snider: [10-08]
How Blinken turned the diplomatic corps into a wing of the
military: "In 2021 the administration said it would pursue
'relentless diplomacy.' They call it something else today in
Ukraine." Starts with a Henry Kissinger saying (not a direct
quote) that is even dumber than I'd expect ("little can be won
at the negotiating table that isn't earned on the battlefield")
before he quotes Blinken saying the same thing ("all that we can
to strengthen Ukraine's position on the battlefield so it has
the strongest possible position at the negotiating table").
Also cites a paywalled FT article claiming "it is the diplomats
who have pushed for escalation, and the Pentagon and intelligence
community who have argued for caution."
Elsewhere in the world and/or/in spite of America's empire:
Matt Breunig/Zephyr Teachout: [09-27]
Should the government break up big corporations or buy them?
"Matt Bruenig writes that governments should nationalize more
companies while Zephyr Teachout argues that freedom requires
decentralized power." Ça dépend. Each case should be
evaluated on its own merits. One could write a book on this.
Stephen F Eisenman: [10-11]
What does fascism look like? A brief introduction: Most of this
piece focuses on Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, with an eye toward
architecture and aesthetics, but that leads to a section "what does
fascism look like today?" that opens with a photo of the Pentagon.
Conclusion:
Huey Long, governor of Louisiana from 1928-32, himself often called
a fascist, said: "American Fascism would never emerge as Fascist,
but as a 100 percent American movement; it would not duplicate the
German method of coming to power but would only have to get the right
President and Cabinet." Fascism, as I said at the beginning of this
brief survey, is easy to see in retrospect, but not in prospect.
However, when it appears right in front of you, identification becomes
simple -- signs and symbols appear everywhere. As we approach the U.S.
election, we can clearly witness one political party's tight embrace
of fascism -- but seeing it doesn't mean we can easily stop it.
Those of us on the left, especially with any real sense of history,
are quick to brand certain right-wingers as fascists -- the dividing
line is where disagreement turns to hatred and a desire to kill us.
To us, at least, it's not just a derisive label, but a full paradigm,
which informs not just by analogy but by internal logic. However, the
label "fascist" doesn't appear to have much utility in communicating
with people who are not on our specific bandwidth. One thing I will
point out is that throughout history, fascists have not only done
bad things, they have repeatedly failed, often bringing to ruin the
nations and folk they claim to love. By the way, Eisenman has a
forthcoming book,
The Young Person's Illustrated Guide to American Fascism,
with illustrations by Sue Coe.
Obituaries
Donald L Bartlett
Glenn Rifkin: [10-09]
Donald L Bartlett, 88 dies: prizewinning reporter bared corruption:
"Over four decades, he and his colleague James B Steele gained renown
for resourceful, often explosive investigative journalism at The
Philadelphia Inquirer. I've read several of their books.
Robert Coover:
John Williams: [10-06]
Robert Coover, inventive novelist in iconoclastic era, dies at 92:
"Once called 'probably the funniest and most malicious' of the
postmodernists, his books reflected a career-long interest in
reimagining folk stories, fairy tales and political myths."
Branko Marcetic: [10-09]
Ta-Nehisi Coates is bucking the media's Palestine consensus:
"The problem with Ta-Nehisi Coates's recent grilling on Palestine
by CBS News's Tony Dokoupil isn't that it was rude. It's that
Dokoupil's questioning betrays a fundamental lack of concern for
Palestinians' basic humanity, shared across mainstream media."
Allen Lowe: [10-11]
The new Archeophone King Oliver: Just a Facebook note, but longer
and much deeper than most reviews. Remind me that I got some press
(but no CD) from Archeophone -- first I've heard from them in many
years.
Lara Friedman: [09-28]
Observations on the current the moment - a thread.
Israel used 10/7 to manufacture US consent/collaboration to undo
what Bibi & his Greater Israel/neocon fellow travelers (incl in
US) have long viewed as historic errors forced on Israel by weak
leaders & intl appeasers of terror.
These are: Gaza disengagement (viewed as capitulation to Hamas),
the Oslo Agreement (viewed as capitulation to the PLO), and withdrawal
from southern Lebanon (viewed as capitulation to Hezbollah).
Along the way the Biden Admin & Congress acquiesced to new
Israeli-authored rules of war that, among other things, define every
human being as a legitimate military target - a terrorist, a terrorist
supporter or sympathizer, or a "human shield" -
- & allowing the annihilation of huge numbers of civilians &
destruction of entire cities; allowing entire populations to be displaced,
terrorized, starved, & deprived of medical care; & normalizing
killing of journalists, medical workers, & UN staff - all
with impunity.
The costs of these new rules of war will be paid with the blood of
civilians worldwide for generations to come, and the US responsibility
for enabling, defending, & normalizing these new rules - and their
horrific, dehumanizing consequences will not be forgotten.
In the countdown to the US November elections, continued Israeli
impunity means that Netanyahu and his government have every incentive
to continue to pursue their revanchist and genocidal goals in Gaza,
the West Ban, and Lebanon.
Absent some new US & intl seriousness to impose concrete
consequences that change Israeli calculations, the only real question
now is whether Bibi & friends will seize this moment to pursue the
other long-held dream of neocons in both Israel and the US: regime
change in Iran.
If they do so - and following a year of genocide-with-impunity
capped by Nasrallah's assassination, the likelihood is today higher
than ever before - the decision will be in large part based on the
certainty that the Biden Admin, more than any Admin before it, will
back them.
This backing - which they have every reason to assume is assured -
includes money, military aid, & even US military action. & it is
assumed, regardless of whether the Biden Admin wants such a war &
regardless of Israel's tactics/the scope of the destruction and
casualties.
Likewise, such a decision will reflect an equal certainty that the
Harris & Trump campaigns not only will support Israel in waging
war on Iran, but will actively compete over who, as president, will
stand more firmly with Israel in its push to remake the entire
region.
And to be clear: Bibi & friends have - in actions & words -
been telling the world since 10/7 their intent. Anyone surprised
things have reached this point was either not paying attention, was in
denial, or was happily playing along.
For anyone who thinks my analysis re "next up, Iran" is wrong, see:
[followed by tweet from Jared Kushner, then video of Netanyahu]
Local tags (these can be linked to directly):
music.
My brother, his wife, and their daughter were in town yesterday, so
I threw together this dinner of old (and widely scattered) favorites:
fried round steak with mushroom gravy; maque choux (cajun creamed
corn); horitiki (greek chopped salad); greek beans with bacon and
onion; baked beans with more bacon; dauphonois (potatoes in cream
with gruyere). Strawberry shortcake for dessert. Trop de leftovers.
Steve and Josi drove off this morning, expecting a three-day
drive with few stops back to Washington. Rachel will still be in
town a few more days. Big project was to go through the attic at
2228 S. Main, collect memorabilia, dispose of trash, recycle items
of possible interest to others. I grabbed an old coffee table, a
few books, and a couple boxes of scattered papers that I'll need
more time to sort out (and mostly discard). Rachel has a pickup
that's pretty fully packed. She has people coming over th pick up
the trash and recyclables today. Still quite a bit of stuff in
the attic, but Ram and I agreed we could make another pass through
that later.
I took off yesterday to cook. I had little time to prepare, so
wasn't able to shop ahead, and got a late start. My mother probably
got the steak recipe off a Campbell's soup can. Before she came up
with it, she often fried round steak, then made gravy, to be served
on the side (as with fried chicken, pork chops, etc.). After chicken
and dumplings, this is probably my favorite comfort food. I add some
sauteed mushrooms to fortify the canned soup. I figured the potatoes
would pair well with it. The salad offers a nice contrast, and can
be assembled in spare moments without any logistic concerns.
The rest of the meal was "inventory reduction": the green beans
and corn came from the freezer; I had an unopened package of bacon --
something I always used to keep in stock, but have rarely touched in
the past year -- plus cans of beans. The steak, potatoes, and baked
beans could share the same 350°F oven for an hour, so that part could
hardly have been simpler. The excess bacon went into the green beans,
and I split a package of pancetta between the bean dishes.
Only things I had to buy for the dinner were: round steak, gold
potatoes, cream, cucumber, grape tomatoes, green bell pepper, some
herbs (I could have used dried) and strawberries. I bought a couple
more things just in case, but wound up using old stock instead (soup,
cheese, etc.). Major snafu was that I didn't get the shortcakes mixed
let alone baked before dinner, so dessert was delayed. Normally I
try to get dessert wrapped up early, often the evening before.
My cell phone is a Samsung Galaxy S9, which was produced from
March 2018 to March 2019, so it is 5+ years old. Back cover has
disconnected itself, probably due to battery expansion, so the
obvious fix is to replace the battery, which I have a $55 quote
to do (Fixit Wireless, 1526 W 21st St, 316-347-6974). However,
alternative (preferred by Laura) is to buy a new phone. So would
a new phone be worth it?
Samsung Galaxy S9 has 4GB RAM, 64G, 3000mAh battery, 5.8 in
2960x1440 super AMOLED screen, Wi-Fi 802.11, Bluetooth 5.0,
5.81x2.70x0.33 in, 163g.
Galaxy numbering went from S9 to S10 to S20, S21, S22, S23, S24.
Draft file opened 2024-10-02 12:17 PM. I expected to have very
little time to work on this, and that's proved accurate. Now trying
to wrap this up Monday afternoon, while I have a bit of a breather.
But I already got distracted, and spent the last hour posting a
dinner plate to
Facebook, and writing further notes in the notebook. Nero wasn't
the only one ever to fiddle while their country burns.
Wound up after 2AM, arbitrarily deciding I've done enough. Maybe
I'll add more while working on Music Week, but I should get back to
working on house. Good news, though, is that working on blog is less
painful than the house work has been.
When I got up this morning, I started reading the third chapter in
Ned Blackhawk's The Rediscovery of America, it occurred to me
that the following bit, while written about Champlain in the early
1600s, is most relevant today (pp. 81-82):
While violence was an essential institution of colonialism, it was
never enough to achieve permanent goals of empire. As political
theorists have long maintained, violence fails to create stability. It
destroys relationships -- between individuals, communities, and
nations -- and does so unpredictably. Once it is initiated, none can
predict its ultimate course. While threats upon a population do over
time result in compliance, more enduring stability requires shared
understandings of power and of the legitimate use of violence. . . .
Nor could violence ever be completely monopolized. As in New Spain,
Native peoples across North America quickly adopted the advantages
that Europeans brought. Raiders took weapons as spoils of war and
plundered Indians who were allied with Europeans or had traded with
them. They stole their metals, cloths and, if possible,
guns. Increasingly, they took captives to trade in colonial slave
markets.
Apologists and propagandists for Israel really hate it when you
describe Israel as a settler-colonial movement/nation. They resent
the implicit moral derision -- every such society has been founded
on racist violence, which we increasingly view as unjust -- but
they also must suspect that it implies eventual failure: the cases
where settler-colonialism was most successful are far in the past
(especially in America, where the Indian wars ended by 1890, and
full citizenship was accorded to Indians in 1924). But perhaps most
troubling of all is the recognition that many others have started
down this same road, and found that only a few approaches can work
(or at least have worked), and only in limited circumstances.
Top story threads:
Israel: One year ago today, some Palestinians
from Hamas and Islamic Jihad -- street gangs left free to operate in
Gaza because Israel and the US refused to allow any form of political
freedom and democratic self-governance in a narrow strip of desert with
more than 2 million people, isolated from all norms of human discourse --
staged a jail break, breaching Israel's walls, and, as brutalized
prisoners tend to do, celebrating their temporary freedom with a
heinous crime spree.[*]
Most of the people in Gaza were refugees from
Israel's "war of independence," known to Palestinians as "Nakba"
for the mass expulsions of Palestinians. From 1948-67, Egypt had
occupied Gaza. In 1967, Israel attacked Egypt, and occupied Gaza,
placing it under military rule. The situation there became even
more desperate after 2006, when Israel dismantled its settlements
in the territory, locked down the borders, left local control to
Hamas, and begun a series of increasingly devastating punitive
sieges they rationalized as "mowing the grass."
As the situation in Gaza grew more desperate, Israeli politics
drifted ever more intensely to the right, to the point where some
parties advanced genocidal responses to the Gaza revolt, while
even large segments of the nominal opposition concurred. Meanwhile,
especially under Trump, the US has become a mere rubber stamp for
whatever Israel wants. And what "Israel wants" is not just to
extirpate Hamas and punish Gaza but to take out their fury on
Palestinians in the West Bank, to complete the annexation of
Palestinian land, and to export war all the way to Iran.
[*] Per Wikipedia, the
2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel lasted two days (October 7-8),
during which 1180 Israelis (379 security forces, 797 civilians)
were killed, and 251 Israelis were taken captive, while Israeli
forces killed 1609 "militants" and captured 200 more. At the end
of those two days, Israel had secured its border with Gaza, and
had gone on the offense against the people and infrastructure of
Gaza. Israel's subsequent slaughter and destruction has been so
indiscriminate, and so systematically destructive of resources
necessary for sustaining life, that it is fairly characterized
as genocide -- a judgment that is consistent with the clearly
stated intentions of many Israeli political leaders. Moreover,
the genocide in Gaza, has provided cover allowing Israelis --
including vigilante settler-mobs protected by IDF forces -- to
attack Palestinians in the West Bank, and Israeli aggression has
now has spilled over into Lebanon.
[10-07]
Day 367: Israel orders new evacuations in Gaza, expands bombing in
Lebanon: "The Israeli ground invasion of southern Lebanon
continues to face stiff resistance along the border one week on,
while the Israeli army has renewed its assault on northern Gaza,
laying siege to Jabalia refugee camp for the sixth time since
October 7."
The ongoing violence has created a cycle of anxiety and trauma in
the besieged Strip, leaving young people particularly devastated.
Tlaleng Mofokeng, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health,
spoke to Anadolu about the mental health crisis in Gaza.
The amount of anxiety and the exposure to trauma, as well as the
level of anticipation of violence, is very abnormal
Mofokeng said, emphasizing the persistent threat of violence
as a major contributor to the psychological distress.
She highlighted that 50 per cent of Gazans were already suffering
from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) before the relentless
violence they experienced since 7 October, 2023. "We have to talk
about it as a deliberate infliction of mental trauma," she added.
The psychological impacts, manifesting as anxiety, nightmares,
depression and memory loss, are compounded by the absence of
adequate mental health resources.
Yet, some scars remain invisible, Mofokeng pointed out, as many
suffer in silence, with distress escalating into PTSD, eventually
leading to complex mental health issues. These only intensify for
children who have lost their entire family. She further noted that
the lack of proper mourning and dignified funerals is "very
detrimental," robbing families and communities of the chance to
heal and opening wounds that may take a lifetime to mend.
The absence of healthcare and therapy has exacerbated the
situation. "The situation is much worse," she stressed.
Tareq S Hajjaj: [10-07]
After October 7, my home became a bag I carry with me: "I have
lived through my own Nakba and understand why thousands of Palestinians
fled their homes in 1948. I made the most difficult decision of my
life and left Gaza, not knowing that what I carried might be all I
will ever possess of my homeland."
[10-07]
Israel's year of war on the West Bank: "While Israel has been
carrying out a genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, its
military and settlers have been waging another campaign of ethnic
cleansing in the West Bank, moving ever closer towards Israel's
goals of annexation." This is an often neglected but increasingly
important part of the story. This makes it clear that the root
problem is not Hamas or Palestinian "national ambitions" but the
fundamental, all-pervasive injustice of the apartheid regime. I
was hoping in early days that the powers could separate Gaza and
the West Bank, deal with the former by cutting it loose, and save
the more entangled West Bank occupation to later, at which point
cooler heads might prevail. But hotter heads made sure peace was
never given a chance, because they saw the cover of war as useful
for promoting their real goals.
Abdaljawad Omar: [10-03]
Israel's forever war and what comes next: "In Gaza and Lebanon,
Israel is projecting its force while burrowing itself deeper into a
quagmire. While it may achieve brief operational successes, it fails
to extinguish the spirit of the resistance or coerce it into
submission."
America's Israel (and Israel's America):
Spencer Ackerman: [10-03]
The year after October 7th was shaped by the 23 years after
September 11th (director's cut): "9/11 gave Israel and the US
a template to follow -- one that turned grief into rage into
dehumanization into mass death. What have we learned from the
War on Terror?" Unfortunately, "this post is for paying subscribers
only," so I don't know how he relates the US reaction to 9/11 to
the previous year's demolition of the Oslo Accords and the breakout
of the Shaul Moffaz Intifada (more commonly called "Al-Aqsa," but
Moffaz was the instigator).
[10-03]
The Shift: US preemptively backs Israel after Iran attack:
"Joe Biden said he opposes Netanyahu hitting Iran's nuclear sites,
but why should anyone trust him? The administration backed Israel's
invasion of Lebanon while he was publicly calling for a ceasefire.
Will we see a similar contradiction on Iran?"
Matthew Duss: [10-07]
Joe Biden chose this catastrophic path every step of the way:
"What's happening in the Middle East was enabled by a president with
ideological priors, aides who failed to push back, and a cheerleading
media establishment."
There's a 23-year-old quote from Benjamin Netanyahu
in The New York Times that I've been thinking a lot about
lately. Reached on the evening of September 11, 2001, the then-former
prime minister was asked what the terrorist attacks that brought down
the Twin Towers and killed almost 3,000 people meant for relations
between the United States and Israel. "It's very good," he said. Then
he quickly edited himself: "Well, not very good, but it will generate
immediate sympathy."
He may have been rude and insensitive, but he was also being
uncharacteristically honest. Like any demagogue, Netanyahu knew
instinctively that enormous pain could be easily transformed into
permission.
In addition to providing Israel's then-Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon a freer hand in crushing the second intifada, Netanyahu
also saw America's trauma as an opportunity to achieve a wider
set of regional security goals. As Congress was considering the
Iraq invasion, he came to the United States to lend his support.
"If you take out Saddam, Saddam's regime, I guarantee you that
it will have enormous positive reverberations on the region," he
assured a congressional committee in September 2002.
James Robins: [10-07]
Israel is trapped by its own war machine: link title, actual,
with sub: "The missed moral lesson of October 7: Hamas's attack
should have triggered not military retaliation but the immediate
resumption of negotiations for a just peace." Of course, it didn't,
because Israel has never considered justice a consideration in its
very rare and never serious efforts at negotiation -- they look
for leverage, and play for time. But I do recall making the same
point on 9/11: I thought it should be viewed as a wake-up call,
as a time when the first thing you ask yourself, have I failed?
Netanyahu (and Bush) couldn't ask that question, much less answer
it. But if you just give it a few minutes of thought, you'll
realize that every war is consequential to a series of mistakes.
The least you can do is to learn from such mistakes, but the
people who yearn to fight wars never take the effort to learn.
Yousef Munayyer: [10-07]
A year that has brought us to the breaking point: "Alongside
the mass graves and beneath the tons of rubble, there may lie
another victim: the very possibility of a jointly imagined
coexistence."
Trita Parsi: [10-01]
Iran bombs Israel, but buck stops with Biden: "If Israel's response
sucks us into war, it will be on the administration's hands. Here's
why." People really need to get a better idea of motivations, costs,
and imagined rewards.
Biden's strategy has been to put enormous effort into deterring Iran
and its partners from retaliating against Israel, while doing virtually
nothing to discourage Israel from escalating in the first place. This
lopsided approach has in fact been a recipe for escalation, repeatedly
proving to Netanyahu that Washington has no intention of bringing
pressure to bear on Israel, no matter its actions.
The situation is actually worse than this, because Israel sees
nothing but positives from provoking a war that pits Iran and the
US. For starters, it keeps the US preoccupied with external threats
when the real enemy of peace is Israel itself. And if Americans get
hurt in the fracas, Netanyahu understands that will only make the
Americans more determined to fight Iran, just as he knows that his
periodic attacks on Iran and its friends only make them more determined
to strike back, even if just ineffectively, at Israel.
Mitchell Plitnick: [10-05]
The United States and Israel set out to remake the Middle East,
again: "The mood in Washington today is similar to 2003 when the
neocons of the Bush administration sought to remake the Middle East.
This time, a joint vision shared by Israel and the Biden administration
seeks to remake the region in the West's vision."
The images coming out of Lebanon and Gaza are horrifying. As I write
this, well over a million Lebanese civilians are displaced as the
Israeli military carries out punishing bombing raids across nearly
the entire country, and over 2,000 have been killed. We've watched
them drop so-called "bunker buster" bombs on residential blocks in
Lebanon's capital, Beirut, in an attempt to kill the leadership of
Hezbollah, never mind the civilians who may be in the way. Like in
Gaza, Israel is targeting hospitals and schools, border crossings,
and infrastructure. That the international community is allowing
this to go on is nothing short of a calamity.
Responsible Statecraft: [10-03]
Symposium: Will US-Israel relations survive the last year? "We
asked if the post-Oct. 7 war has permanently altered Washington's
80-year commitment to the Jewish state." Collects statements from:
Geoff Aronson, Andrew Bacevich, Daniel Bessner, Dan DePetris, Robert
Hunter, Shireen Hunter, Daniel Levy, Rajan Menon, Paul Pillar, Annelle
Sheline, Steve Simon, Barbara Slavin, Hadar Suskind, Stephen Walt,
Sarah Leah Whitson, James Zogby. While several are critics, it is
pretty obvious that the "special relationship" has held fast, with
the Biden administration providing unstinting support despite
reservations that they are unable or unwilling to act on, with most
of Congress even more emphatically in thrall.
Jonathan Guyer: [10-04]
The price of power: "America's chief humanitarian official rose
to fame by speaking out against atrocities. Now she's trapped by
one." Welcome to hell, Samantha Power.
Jeffrey D Sachs: [09-30]
Israel's ideology of genocide must be confronted and stopped:
"Israel's violent extremists now in control of its government
believe that Israel has a Biblical license, indeed a religious
mandate, to destroy the Palestinian people."
VP Debate
Zack Beauchamp: [10-01]
The only moment from the VP debate that mattered: "Vance's
'damning non-answer' on the 2020 election exposed the true stakes
for democracy in 2024." I'm a bit chagrined that the one Vance lie
that Walz chose to push back hard on was the "fate of democracy."
It's not that I don't appreciate the threat, but to understand it,
you need some context. To borrow Grover Norquist's metaphor, the
program of the right since the 1970s -- cite Potter Stewart if you
like -- has been to shrink democracy "down to the size where we
can drown it in the bathtub." We've barely noticed the shrinkage,
but only started to panic now that we can identify Trump as the
one threatening to finish the job. So right, it matters, a lot
even, but it's a bit like waiting until a hurricane or flood or
fire to discover that something is screwy with the climate --
another comparable oops!
Gabriel Debenedetti: [10-02]
How Tim Walz saved himself: "At first, he looked overmatched by
JD Vance. Then came abortion, health care, and above all, January 6.
In a Times/Siena College poll last month, 55 percent of respondents
said Trump was respected by foreign leaders while 47 percent said
that of Harris.
The ad claims Harris is not tough enough to deal with China,
Russia, Iran or Hamas. It features actors playing Vladimir Putin,
Hamas fighters and a tea-sipping ayatollah watching videos of the
candidate who wants to be the first woman president. It ends with
four clips of Kamala dancing -- a lot better than Trump does --
and a clip of Trump walking on a tarmac with a military officer
and a Secret Service agent. The tag line is: "America doesn't need
another TikTok performer. We need the strength that will protect
us."
Even though Trump lives in a miasma of self-pity and his businesses
often ended up in bankruptcy, somehow his fans mistake his swagger and
sneers for machismo. What a joke. Trump is the one who caves, a foreign
policy weakling and stooge of Putin. . . .
In a Trumpworld that thrives on mendacity, demonizing and dividing,
sympathy is weakness.
Debate watchers said, 48% to 35%, that Walz is more in touch than Vance
with the needs and problems of people like them, and by a similar margin,
48% to 39%, that Walz, rather than Vance, more closely shares their
vision for America.
M Gessen: [10-03]
The real loser of the VP debate: "It's our politics." And: "In
this audio essay, Gessen argues that when we put Trump and his acolytes
on the same platform as regular politicians and treat them equally,
'that normalization degrades our political life and degrades our
understanding of politics.'"
Andrew Prokop/Dylan Scott/Abdullah Fayyad/Christian Paz: [10-02]
3 winners and 2 losers from the Walz-Vance debate:
W: JD Vance's code switching abilities;
L: The narrative that Tim Walz is a media phenomenon;
W: Obamacare;
L: The moderators;
W: A surprising amount of decency. The bottom line is that Vance lied
outrageously (but smoothly) in his attempt to make Trump out as a
reasoned, skillful public servant, while Walz somewhat awkwardly
dialed his own criticism back. From point two:
It was not exactly a masterful showing, though. Walz seemed uncomfortable
in the format compared to the smooth-talking Vance, he didn't really seem
to have one overarching message that he kept returning to, and he often
missed opportunities to call out Vance's lies and misrepresentations.
On the moderators:
From the start, Norah O'Donnell and Margaret Brennan, the CBS news
moderators, made it clear they did not think it was their job to
keep the candidates grounded in reality. . . . The questions
themselves were either not probing enough or poorly framed.
Jeffrey St Clair: [10-04]
Notes from a phony campaign: the great un-debate: "This week's
vice-presidential debate, one of the most tedious and dull in US
history, was praised by the punditocracy for its civility. Is civility
in politics what we need when the current government is arming a
genocide and the rival campaign wants to arrest 15 million people
and deport them?" Also: "Why did Walz try to humanize a jerk who
claims Haitians are BBQing pets?"
Kelley Beaucar Vlahos: [10-01]
VP debate: preemptive strike on Iran now? "This was the only
foreign question of the night, which made it easier for everyone,
apparently." The question was horrible, even to suggest such a
thing. The obvious answer was: no, never, wars should be ended,
not started when there is any chance of avoiding one. The answers --
unlike John McCain's "bomb bomb bomb Iran" refrain -- at least were
evasive, but in failing to address the question, allowed it to hang
in the air, as if the idea is something a sane person might consider.
It wasn't, and should have been flagged as such.
Election notes:
Ed Kilgore: [10-07]
Harris and Trump are deploying party defectors very differently:
They may be calculating differently, but the dominant issue is the
same. Trump is using Gabbard and Kennedy as testimony that he's the
lesser world war threat, without him having to soften his tough guy
image. Harris, on the other hand, is attracting some Republicans
with extreme neocon credentials, like the Cheneys -- not primarily
to show that she's the hawk in the contest, but their support does
reassure the neocons that she's likely to stick with the conventional
wisdom on foreign policy (which is decidedly neocon, despite their
disastrous track record).
Kevin T Dugan: [10-04]
Trump Media has major new problems: "A whistleblower alleges that
CEO Devin Nunes is running the struggling Donald Trump-owned company
into the ground."
[10-05]
Vance says Trump shooting inevitable: "Speaking in the town where
Trump was nearly assassinated, Vance laid blame for the shooting on
Democrats."
David Daley: [10-04]
Two men have re-engineered the US electoral system in favor of
Republicans: "If the right strews constitutional chaos over
the certification of this presidential election, two people will
have cleared the path." Leonard Leo (who packed the Supreme Court)
and Chris Jankowski (who refined the art of gerrymandering).
I don't mean to pick on Margaret Sullivan. I think the fact that even
she can't find the words to explain what's so horrifying about this
suggests that maybe there aren't any words -- or to be more precise,
maybe there aren't words that can convey what's so horrifying about
this to people who've watched Trump for the past nine years and still
aren't horrified.
Calling a political opponent "mentally impaired" and "mentally
disabled" ought to be a very bad look for any candidate, and it should
be self-evidently bad for reasons Joe Scarborough noted this morning:
"If [Harris] were so quote stupid, if she were so quote mentally
impaired, if she were quote so mentally disabled, why did she destroy
him in a debate for 90 minutes, humiliate him, and beat him so badly
that he refuses to even debate her on Fox News?"
"That's question number one," he continued. "And if she's had this
mental condition from birth, then why did he give her thousands of
dollars in 2014 for her political campaign when she was running for
the United States Senate?"
But it's unsuitable language for any candidate to use -- except it
isn't anymore, because talk radio and Fox News coarsened the political
culture, in lockstep with Republican politicians from Newt Gingrich on,
and now there's a large percentage of the voting population for whom
there's nothing a Republican can say that will lead to a
withdrawal of support, except perhaps a kind word about a Democrat. . . .
Trump can't be discredited any more than he already has been. Our
only recourse is a large turnout by people who are neither impressed
by his rhetoric nor numbed by it.
If you're Vance, the only reason you agree to take Trump on as a client
is the hope that he will pay your seven-figure fees before you, yourself,
end up in jail.
Alas, as the history of broken dreams isn't one of the subjects
taught at Yale Law School, Vance seems to be missing the point that
most of his predecessors -- Michael Cohen, Sidney Powell, Kenneth
Cheseboro, Jenna Ellis, Rudy Giuliana, John Eastman, Jeffrey Clark,
and Alina Habba (to list only a few Trump attorneys who are drifting
up the river) -- never got paid and will probably end up in jail long
before Trump himself is fitted with an oversized orange necktie.
Nicholas Wu/Madison Fernandez: [10-04]
House Democrats' new bogeyman: Project 2025: "The party is making
a concerted effort to go on the attack using the controversial set of
conservative policy proposals." It's about time. Similar plots have
been circulating for decades, but this year's edition exposes the
threats exceptionally tangible form. Moreover, it's never been easier
to imagine Republican apparatchiki blindly following whatever master
plan they're given. Project 2025 makes clear and comprehensible how
pervasive rotten ideas are throughout the Republican Party.
Jonathan Chait: [10-03]
Kamala Harris is right to get endorsements from bad Republicans:
Like Dick Cheney and Alberto Gonzales. Of course, Chait loves this
because it gives him another excuse to take digs at Sanders and AOC,
who also, like Chait, support Harris. Different people have different
reasons for who they vote for, and these particulars aren't totally
deluded in thinking a public announcement might help, and probably
won't hurt. What bothers me is the suggestion that they see Harris
as more in tune with their neocon warmongering legacy, and that
their endorsements can be taken as evidence that Harris is more
war-prone than Trump.
Michael Kruse: [10-04]
The woman who made Kamala Harris -- and modern America: "Shyamala
Gopalan's immigrant story explains the roots of a multiethnic society
that has defined the country in the 21st century -- and also become a
political flashpoint."
Elie Honig: [10-03]
Jack Smith's October Surprise: That's the title on the index
page. The title on the page itself is "Jack Smith's October cheap
shot." Honig's complaining that Smith's "proactive filing" was too
long, disclosing many more details of his case than was necessary,
and that filing it ahead of the election was "prejudicial." Honig
goes to great lengths here to parade his disapproval. In charging
Smith with playing politics to get at Trump, he never considers
the possibility that politics is what has kept this case from
going to trial, and that the only way to break that logjam might
be to do what Smith has done, and remind the public what evidence
says, and why it is all the more relevant before the election.
The way the court system is rigged, it's unlikely that Trump will
ever "face justice," at least on federal charges, but the people
deserve to know what he did, before they risk giving him the
chance to do it again.
Li Zhou: [09-26]
The Eric Adams indictment, explained: "Fancy plane tickets, donations,
and political favors: what to know about the charges." I hadn't noted
the New York City mayor, which seems like the sort of run-of-the-mill
corruption that occasionally traps unwary Democrats, yet Republicans --
despite being ideologically committed to furthering corruption -- are
rarely held accountable for. That plus it's a local issue, but in a
locale that generates a lot of political media, so we're getting
a cluster of stories.
Jeffery C Mays/Stefanos Chen: [10-05]
Big business saw an ally in Eric Adams, and overlooked his issues:
"New York's business community threw its support behind Adams, and
continued backing him even as his legal problems began to threaten
the governance of the city."
Intelligencer Staff: [10-07]
Hurricane Milton intensifies to category 5, Florida prepares: live
updates. The storm formed in a hot spot in the Gulf of Mexico,
heading northeast. Projection is that it will hit Tampa, with 175
mph winds and a 15-foot storm surge, on Wednesday, cross Florida,
and continue heading east into the Atlantic. More Milton:
Li Zhou: [10-03]
Get used to more absurdly hot Octobers: "This year's unrelenting
heat, explained." Last few days here in Wichita have been in the
mid-90s, which is what I expect for first two weeks of September,
but hard to remember anything this hot this late in the year.
Dylan Scott: [10-02]
Why is US health care like this? "America unintentionally built
a health care system that is hard to fix." Short article, but covers
the basics. It's not a system. It wasn't designed. It was created
as opportunities to profit were relentlessly exploited, resulting
in various gaps and inequities, which have been partly compensated
for with a patchwork of fixes designed mostly to preserve previous
profit centers. And each of those profit centers has its own lobby,
which is to say clout within the American political "system."
Mark Mazzetti/Adam Entous: [10-05]
Behind Trump's views on Ukraine: Putin's gambit and a political
grudge: "The roots of Donald Trump's animus toward Ukraine --
an issue with profound consequences should he be elected again --
can be found in a yearlong series of events spanning 2016 and
2017."
Constant Méheut: [10-05]
Ukraine's Donbas strategy: Retreat slowly and maximize Russia's
losses: "The idea is to use rope-a-dope tactics, letting Russian
forces pound away until they have exhausted themselves. It's far
from clear if the Ukrainian strategy will succeed." Maybe that's
because "rope-a-dope" is a strategy that favors the one with the
greater reserves of strength, which isn't Ukraine.
Elsewhere in the world and/or/in spite of America's empire:
Richard Slotkin: [10-05]
To understand Trump vs. Harris, you must know these American myths:
The author has mapped out the entire history of American mythmaking
in his book
A Great Disorder: National Myth and the Struggle for America,
so applying his methodology to one more election is pretty easy.
I've read his book, and previously cited various reviews. I've
long placed great importance on the notion of myth -- paradigmatic
stories that are widely believed, transcending fact and fiction --
so I'm very used to this form of critique. Still, there is a risk
that his categories have become too pat, and forcing new facts to
fit them tends to lose your grip on anything new. For instance, it's
easy enough to see Trump playing off the "lost cause playbook," but
those of us who grew up in what was still the Jim Crow era should
be struck by how much weirder it seems this time around. On the
other hand, when Democrats (like Obama/Clinton) embrace "American
exceptionalism," they look naive and foolish, and easily loose
track of the reforms they understand we need.
Jennifer Szalai: [09-29]
Ta-Nehisi Coates returns to the political fray, calling out
injustice:
"The
Message marks his re-entry as a public intellectual determined
to wield his moral authority, especially regarding Israel and the
occupied territories." More on the book below, but first a good
introduction is a bit of
CBS Mornings interview with Coates. A quick sampling of reviews.
(I have a copy of the book, but haven't cracked it open yet.)
Jay Caspian Kang: [10-04]
Why Ta-Nehisi Coates writes: "In The Message, Coates urges
young writers to aspire to 'nothing less than doing their part to
save the world,' but his latest work reveals the limits of his own
advice."
Peter Beinart: [10-01]
this first question: would you support a preemptive strike on Iran
rather than how would you stop this regional war pretty much encapsulates
what is wrong with US media coverage of this conflict
Local tags (these can be linked to directly):
music.
Original count: 131 links, 7251 words (9735) total)
I posted my Expert Witness
notice for Music Week. When I'm writing the post, Facebook
initially shows me a preview for the link, picking the first image
(album cover) from the page, but that image disappears when the
notice actually posts. I was just curious, so I clicked on the "i"
icon ("Show more information on this link"), which popped up the
following dialog box:
About this content
Link unavailable
Could not find a Facebook Page for tomhull.com
So wtf does this mean? Does it mean that my blog should have its
own Facebook page? How would I set that up? If it did, would that
fix the problem with disappearing previews?
When I go into my Facebook account and edit profile, I see:
Profile picture: me as baby in arms of Uncle Allen.